Halder continued, handing a second folder to Skorzeny. “The other area is in the Vosges, near Belfort. There we also have a bulge that we could retreat from. The defensive position we hold is quite strong, but it’s in a forested area, so it would do the trick in order to avoid being detected.” “Thank you, Herr General,” said Otto harboring a thin smile. “I like the two sites. I’ll need some time to review them a little more if you don’t mind.” “Of course, he doesn’t mind,” said Goering laughing. “He will be back here tomorrow night, and by then, you’ll let him know which option you like most. Now, we need to get some food, and after that, my dear friend, we are going hunting!”

  Far Eastern American HQ

  Army/Navy meeting, March 13th, 1947

  “Sutherland, what about the news out of Korea?” asked the American commander in his commanding, calm voice. “Still the same, General. The Soviet forces are quiet on the Heijo-Gensan line. They are moving reinforcements by the thousands, but apart from that, things are calm.”

  MacArthur sat down on his chair, facing Admiral Nimitz, U.S. Navy overall commander, to discuss things over with the Admiral. “Well, Chester. Looks like we’ve got ourselves a bit of a weird situation here.” The Admiral nodded. “Agreed, Douglas. The enemy buildup is obvious, and they continue to attack on land in China. The Japanese are hard-pressed, I heard?” “They indeed are,” answered Sutherland, the General’s chief of staff. “While we’ve landed several infantry remnants that were being repatriated from the south, we don’t think that simply sending men with rifles will be enough.” “Why is that?” said Nimitz. “As I remember, the Nipponese are hardly a pushover.”

  “Chester,” answered MacArthur. “It's pretty simple. The Japs are good fighters, but they are up against a modern army, and they don’t even have a decent tank with which to fight the Ruskies. It is not going to be simple for them. Beijing (Pekin) is threatened and should fall soon. General Tanaka is hard-pressed and won't resist long.” “I see,” answered Nimitz, realizing that the situation was not looking good.

  “Admiral,” started Richard, “What is the status for the Kuriles Islands?” The Soviets had invaded the southern part of the Japanese-held Sakhalin Island a week before, without the Americans doing anything about it again. They’d protested thru diplomatic channels, but the Soviets had remained deaf to their pleas. And then the damned Red had tried to get bold and sailed from their Vladivostok bases to attempt an invasion of the Kuriles Islands Chain, another Japanese territory. But the U.S. Navy had been ready for that move at least and presented a firm wall against the Soviets that didn’t go as far as provoking the Americans. So the Soviet ships turned around back to port.

  “My forces are heavily patrolling the area, and trust me, there aren’t any Russian trickling thru our fleet,” said Nimitz in a convincing manner. “Speaking of the fleet, Admiral,” interjected MacArthur. I trust that the show in force we’ve organized on the Korean coast, the Bohai Sea, and the Yellow Sea have been obvious enough to our Commie friends?” “Yes, General. I’ve got most of my big ships sailing around on maneuvers. We’ve even had a few battleships shell unoccupied rocks in front of Gensan to show them the firepower and our seriousness.”

  And indeed, the U.S. Navy was showing its heavy hand in the Far East. The Americans hoped that the Russians got the message. They would not be intimidated.

  “We have just received several reinforcements from the American mainland, the Philippines, and Borneo, where our land campaigns are over there. Our command is now 25 divisions strong.” “What of the armored divisions we’ve asked for, Richard?” Macarthur was particularly worried at the Soviet tank strength, and the Allies didn’t have much to oppose them. “Two new divisions, sporting the M46 Super Pershings, are slated for transport from San Diego base to Tokyo within the week.” Sutherland leafed thru some papers on the table in the meeting room. “ And two more Marine divisions are on the way. The Aussies are sending three divisions, as per your request. The British government also confirmed that they would sail their fleet (several battleships and carriers), along with about ten Indian divisions.”

  “Well.” Added Nimitz, whistling softly. “Someone’s been busy.” “Thank you, Richard. I am happy for the helpers. We’ll be ready when and if the Commies decide to make their moves.” He paused before changing the subject. “What of the Nationalist Chinese? As I remember from his last communication, Chiang Kai Shek was none too happy about our help to General Tanaka?”

  And indeed, the Chinese leader wasn’t. He’d been fighting the Japanese for the better part of his life and had been trying to evict them from China for the last twenty years. But, at the same time, the man was a realist. The sudden appearance of Soviet troops in Northern China meant that his other sworn enemy, Mao Tse Dong, the leader of the Chinese Communist forces, would be significantly reinforced. The Russian's arrival on the scene meant that the Commies would probably take power in his country.

  “After his initial shock, the man relented. After all, the Japanese are nothing more than a fighting rabble now, however useful. Their not a threat to the Nationalists anymore. He’s agreed to sign a truce with them until we’ve resolved this issue with the Soviet invasion.”

  “Thank you, Richard,” said the General. “Good to know that Chiang is on board and sees the greater threat here. And anyway, let him know thru unofficial channels that we’ll take care of the Chinese Reds once we're done with the ones with the big guns. “Of course, General.”

  The meeting continued for well over an additional hour, and the two American leaders left each other with a renewed sense of hope that they would weather the storm, even if the Red Army attacked.

  Winston Churchill’s address to the American Congress

  British Premier visit to the US, March 15th, 1947

  (…)

  On the eve of our victory in Europe and over the Nazi tyranny that cast so much shadow on the free world, the United States, the British Empire, and the Soviet Union stand near-total victory. It is a solemn moment for world peace. For with success is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for all of our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. Constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision must guide and rule the Allies’. We must, and I believe we shall prove ourselves equal to this strict requirement.

  When American military men approach some serious situation, they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “overall strategic concept.” There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the overall strategic concept that we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands.

  To give security to all, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories and of large parts of Asia, glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty states dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them, all is distorted; all is broken, even ground to pulp.

  When I stand here this quiet afternoon, I shudder to visualize what is happening to millions now and what will happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain.” Our supreme duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war, as this one isn’t even over yet. We all agree on that in the west and ask ourselves if they think the same in the east?

  Before we cast away the solid assurances of national interests for self-preservation, we must be sure that our faith and resolve are built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also lengthy, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not, alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

  We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the Western World and so long overshadowed by the dreaded Nazi Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these states, control is enforced upon the ordinary people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

  While still pursuing the method of realizing our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. A shadow has fallen upon the scen of our impending victory over the German tyranny. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intend to do in the immediate future or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain. I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the Russia’s and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russians need to be secure on her western frontiers by removing all possibility of German aggression and the Japanese or Chinese in Asia.

  We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the world's leading nations. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent, and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. We also welcome its victory over the Third Reich to become a reality as soon as possible. However, it is my duty, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place certain facts about the present position in Europe and Asia.

  From Konigsberg in the Baltic to Hungary in Central Europe, an iron curtain is descending across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the occupied capitals of some of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia. All these famous cities and the populations around them lie in the occupied Soviet zone, and Warsaw, Berlin, and many others shall soon be under their heels once the German Wehrmacht is no more. And now the Asian theater, which had so recently and so happily ended its conflict, is ablaze again with what can only be called a Soviet aggression in Manchuria and Northern China. What should the Western Power do against this blatant act of war and disregard for the Grand Alliance that helped us all to vanquish the Axis tyranny? Suppose now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to occupy and conquer as much land as possible before the shooting stops. In that case, this will cause new severe difficulties to world peace and give the defeated Germans and Japanese the power to put themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts-and facts they are-this is undoubtedly not the Liberated Europe or Asia we fought to build up. Nor is it one that contains the essential prerequisites of permanent peace.

  The world's safety requires a new unity in Europe and an immediate return to peaceful intention from the Soviet Union on its easter border. It also needs a clear message from Russia on its European plans, for the Western Democracies have no intentions of letting all of the old continent, as Stalin asked us so forcibly, to fall to Soviet occupation.

  It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime, we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with a conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe. We now ask Stalin to let us know his intentions, and clearly.

  Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a free France, Italy and Austria, even Poland or Central / Eastern Europe. I say this today: We will never relent any of the free nations of Europe. I have worked for liberty all my public life, and I never lost faith in it, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world as the light finally was about to show itself back with the Axis power’s eclipse. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. There were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful in those days. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time. Russian intentions need to be clearly declared toward world peace and freedom.

  On the other hand, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still, more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. We still need to destroy the giant and ugly ogre that is the German Third Reich. The damned Fascist state that enslaved millions upon millions. That killed even more.

  I do hope dearly that Soviet Russia does not desire war. I hope they do not desire the fruits of war, conquests, and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

  From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.

  Last time I saw it all coming, I cried aloud to my fellow citizens and the world, but no one paid any attention. Until the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her, and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. Conclusion: there never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one that has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous, and honored today; but no one would listen, and one by one, we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1947, a good understanding on all points with Russia.

  Let's hope that Stalin is listening.

  (…)

  Standing applause

  The Goldap Offensive part 3

  The Germans compress into a narrow area, March 8 to 15th, 1947

  The Soviet offensive continued unabated for seven grueling days, as countless losses were tallied on both sides. The Germans had no intention of giving anything to their hated enemies, now that they were defending their homeland.

  The Soviet offensive, which had so much impetus in the first few days, ground to a crawl by the 9th and transformed itself into a war of attrition. Cherniakhovski found himself in a rather precarious position. Some units were beyond Gumbinnen since the town was in Soviet hands, but his flanks were exposed until the neighboring armies overcame resistance in their sectors. In the Schlossberg area, the German 1st Infantry Division still resisted all the 5th Rifle Army efforts to break its line. Farther south, the line ran across Ebenrode to Gumbinnen. Model sent reinforcement to that line and strengthened it with two Panzer divisions and General Hans Lippert’s 5th Panzer. The arrival of Brig. Gen. Günther Sachs’s 18th Flak Division (directly from the Berlin area) added a deadly array of antiaircraft guns, including the renowned 88mm, which were also used in artillery and antitank capacity, to fight the Russians.

  Combat west of Gumbinnen and Trakehnen was particularly fierce, to the point that both sides got exhausted fighting by the 11th of March. And as is often in war, the side that wins is the one that can bring reserve to bear faster than his enemy.