We were received by the members of the new cabinet of the king, by name Mr. Godfrey Brown, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Mr. L. A. Thurston, Minister of the Interior; Mr. W. I. Green, Minister of Finance; Mr. C. W. Ashford, Attorney-General, — all men of foreign birth; while of the ministry directly preceding, three members had been native Hawaiians.

  Mr. Brown shook us warmly by the hands, and attended us to the royal carriage which had been waiting; and then, accompanied by the royal staff of His Majesty, we were quickly driven past the assembled multitudes to Iolani Palace, where King Kalakaua —my brother and the husband of Queen Kapiolani — was prepared to receive us. He appeared bright, and glad to welcome us back; yet we could see on his countenance traces of the terrible strain through which he had passed, and evidences of the anxiety over the perilous position, although this was only the commencement of the troubles preparing for our family and nation.

  CHAPTER XXIX

  "THE BAYONET CONSTITUTION"

  IT is necessary now to briefly review the events which had taken place in our absence of about three months abroad. We arrived in Honolulu on the twenty-sixth day of July, 1887. A conspiracy against the peace of the Hawaiian Kingdom had been taking shape since early spring. By the 15th of June, prior to our return, it had assumed a no less definite shape than the overthrow of the monarchy.

  For many years our sovereigns had welcomed the advice of, and given full representations in their government and councils to, American residents who had cast in their lot with our people, and established industries on the Islands. As they became wealthy, and acquired titles to lands through the simplicity of our people and their ignorance of values and of the new land laws, their greed and their love of power proportionately increased; and schemes for aggrandizing themselves still further, or for avoiding the obligations which they had incurred to us, began to occupy their minds. So the mercantile element, as embodied in the Chamber of Commerce, the sugar planters, and the proprietors of the"missionary" stores, formed a distinct political party, called the"down-town" party, whose purpose was to minimize or entirely subvert other interests, and especially the prerogatives of the crown, which, based upon ancient custom and the authority of the island chiefs, were the sole guaranty of our nationality. Although settled among us, and drawing their wealth from our resources, they were alien to us in their customs and ideas respecting government, and desired above all things the extension of their power, and to carry out their own special plans of advancement, and to secure their own personal benefit. It may be true that they really believed us unfit to be trusted to administer the growing wealth of the Islands in a safe and proper way. But if we manifested any incompetency, it was in not foreseeing that they would be bound by no obligations, by honor, or by oath of allegiance, should an opportunity arise for seizing our country, and bringing it under the authority of the United States.

  Kalakaua valued the commercial and industrial prosperity of his kingdom highly. He sought honestly to secure it for every class of people, alien or native, in his dominions, making it second only to the advancement of morals and education. If he believed in the divine right of kings, and the distinctions of hereditary nobility, it was not alone from the prejudices of birth and native custom, but because he was able to perceive that even the most enlightened nations of the earth have not as yet been able to replace them with a ruling class equally able, patriotic, or disinterested. I say this with all reverence for the form of government and the social order existing in the United States, whose workings have, for more than a century, excited the interest of the world; not the interest of the common people only, but of nobles, rulers, and kings. Kalakaua's highest and most earnest desire was to be a true sovereign, the chief servant of a happy, prosperous, and progressive people. He regarded himself as the responsible arbiter of clashing interests, and his own breast as the ordained meeting-place of the spears of political contention. He was rightly jealous of his prerogatives, because they were responsibilities which no civic body in his kingdom could safely undertake to administer. He freely gave his personal efforts to the securing of a reciprocity treaty with the United States, and sought the co-operation of that great and powerful nation, because he was persuaded it would enrich, or benefit, not one class, but, in a greater or less degree, all his subjects.

  His interviews with General Grant, his investigations into the labor problems, which the success of the Hawaiian plantations demanded, were all means to the same end, —an increase of domestic prosperity. He succeeded, and the joy of the majority was great. The planters were elated, the merchants were encouraged, money flowed into their pockets, bankrupt firms became wealthy, sugar companies declared fabulous dividends; the prosperity for which my brother had so faithfully worked he most abundantly secured for his people, especially for those of foreign birth, or missionary ancestry, who had become permanent residents of Hawaii.

  The king did not accomplish these things without some native opposition; although it was respectful and deferent to his decision, as the ideas and customs of our people require. Some foresaw that this treaty with the United States might become the entering wedge for the loss of our independence. What would be the consequences should the Islands acquire too great a commercial attraction, too large a foreign population and interests? would not these interests demand the protection of a flag backed by a great military or naval power? But Kalakaua, aware that under the provisions of international law no nation could attack us without cause, and relying on the established policy of our great ally, the United States, fully assured that no colonial scheme would find acceptation there, boldly adventured upon the effort which so greatly increased the wealth and importance of his kingdom, — a wealth which has, however, owing to circumstances which he could not then foresee, and which none of his loyal counsellors even dreamed of, now gone almost wholly into the pockets of aliens and foes.

  For years the"missionary party" had, by means of controlling the cabinets appointed by the king, kept itself in power. Its leaders were constantly intriguing to make the ministry their tool, or to have in its organization a power for carrying out their own special plans, and securing their own personal benefit. And now, without any provocation on the part of the king, having matured their plans in secret, the men of foreign birth rose one day en masse, called a public meeting, and forced the king, without any appeal to the suffrages of the people, to sign a constitution of their own preparation, a document which deprived the sovereign of all power, made him a mere tool in their hands, and practically took away the franchise from the Hawaiian race. This constitution was never in any way ratified, either by the people, or by their representatives, even after violence had procured the king's signature to it. Contrary entirely to the intent of the prior constitution drawn by a Hawaiian monarch (under which for twenty-three years the nation had been conducted to prosperity), this draft of 1887 took all power from the ruler, and meant that from that day the"missionary party" took the law into its own hands.1

  It may be asked,"Why did the king give them his signature?" I answer without hesitation, because he had discovered traitors among his most trusted friends, and knew not in whom he could trust; and because he had every assurance, short of actual demonstration, that the conspirators were ripe for revolution, and had taken measures to have him assassinated if he refused. His movements of late had been watched, and his steps dogged, as though he had been a fugitive from justice. Whenever he attempted to go out in the evening, either to call at the hotel, or visit any one of his friends' houses, he was conscious of the presence of enemies who were following stealthily on his track. But, happily, Providence watched over him, and thus he was guarded from personal harm.

  He signed that constitution under absolute compulsion. Details of the conspiracy have come to me since from sources upon which I can rely, which lead to the conviction that but for the repugnance or timidity of one of the executive committee, since risen very high in the counsels of the so-called republic, he would have been assassinated.1 Then they had planned for the immediate abrogation of the monarchy, the declaration of a republic, and a proposal for annexation to be made to the United States. The constitution of the republic was actually framed and agreed upon; but the plot was not fully carried out —more moderate counsels prevailed. They therefore took the very constitution of which I have spoken, the one which had been drafted for a republic, hastily rewrote it so as to answer their ends, and forced Kalakaua to affix thereto his official signature.

  It has been known ever since that day as"The Bayonet Constitution," and the name is well chosen; for the cruel treatment received by the king from the military companies, which had been organized by his enemies under other pretences, but really to give them the power of coercion, was the chief measure used to enforce his submission. They had illegally come out against him, bearing arms; and it is openly stated that they had prepared measures to be a law unto themselves.2 Whatever the faults of Mr. Gibson, so long prime minister of Kalakaua, he was an able man, and his only public crime was his loyalty to his king. And it was for this reason that he, and his son-in-law, Mr. Fred H. Hayselden of Lanai, were seized by a mob composed of the"missionary party" armed with rifles, and marched down the public streets to the wharves; not an atom of respect being shown to the gray hairs of the old man who had occupied for years the highest position in the king's cabinet. Who was the man, and where is he now, who knocked off the hat, and struck the loyal old man, as he silently accepted his changed position?

  So these two citizens were forced along into a small structure on the wharf, where hung two ropes with nooses already prepared, and a man of widely known missionary ancestry, led the outcry, vociferating loudly and lustily,"Hang them! Hang them!" Could it be possible, I thought, that a son of one of my early instructors, the child of such a lovely and amiable Christian mother, could so far forget the spirit of that religion his parents taught, and be so carried away with political passion, as to be guilty of murder?

  Yet he was not the only one, by any means, who seemed to have forgotten those principles of our Lord, to teach which their parents had come to our shores. For while this was going on in the city, another missionary boy rode out to the country residence of Mr. Gibson, at Kapiolani Park, and entering abruptly into the presence of his daughter, Mrs. Hayselden, threw a lasso over her head, as though the gentle woman had been a wild animal, and avowed his intention of dragging her into town. While he held her, those with him searched the house, hoping that they might discover arms or some other evidence by which Mr. Gibson and the members of his family could be convicted and hung, but they were disappointed. After subjecting her to this brutality, which she bore most bravely, the ruffians left her to await the return from Honolulu of her natural protectors. But, alas! instead of their presence, what sorrow was to be hers! She received news of the manner in which they had been treated, and how doubtful it was whether they would ever be allowed to meet again this side of the grave; for after keeping their victims some days in terror of life, on the fifth day of July, 1887, the two men, against whom no charge, political nor criminal, was ever made, were placed on board a sailing-vessel and landed at San Francisco. The treatment received was too much for the elder sufferer; and although the conspirators had not directly assassinated him, he died soon after. His son returned to Hawaii, and became sheriff of Lanai during my reign. He was one of the first persons selected for dismissal by the present government; he had taken no part in public manifestations, but was informed by the attorney-general, Mr. W. O. Smith, that he was removed from office,"simply because you are a friend of the queen."

  Footnotes

  1 See Appendix A.

  1 Chosen among five conspirators by lot to murder Kalakaua, he became horrified, and refused to act.

  2 See first part of Appendix B.

  CHAPTER XXX

  INVITED TO CONSPIRE AGAINST THE KING

  TURNING from this narration of the events which had transpired before the return of the queen's party from abroad, I will resume the thread of my personal narrative from the moment of meeting with my brother. After exchanging a few words of salutation and family greeting, we left the queen to listen to her husband's account of what had taken place during their three months' separation, and returned to our home, very glad indeed to be again settled at Washington Place.

  There we found the good mother of my husband delighted to meet us, and filled with gratitude at our safe return. Her expressions of joy at once more meeting her son were but natural, for had he not always been devoted to her comfort? There was a little English lady who had been staying with Mrs. Dominis during our absence, and both my husband and I were glad to have the opportunity of expressing to her our sense of obligation for all she had done for his mother's needs while we were gone. She had been very attentive and considerate. Her name was Miss Davis, and she was a sister of Rector Davis of South Kona.

  At this time, nearly a month after the revolution and change of constitution, everything seemed to settle down into quiet again; but appearances are deceptive, and"the devil never sleeps." So, having achieved so much of their desires, the conspirators worked day and night to keep the city in a ferment. Plans were made, and committees were formed; the extreme views of some of the members caused others, more scrupulous, to retire, and to say that they could not willingly consent to be tools in the hands of wicked men, instruments of evil to their fellows. So these committees were organized over and over again, without fixed purpose, without stability, until finally all other elements had withdrawn from connection with the conspirators, save a small number of agitators whose sole rallying-point was annexation to the United States.

  During the session of the legislature for the year 1888, Mr. James I. Dowsett, Jr., a young man, came to my house at Muulaulani, Palama, to inform me that he had been commissioned by those members who belonged to the missionary party to inquire if I would accept the throne in case my brother should be dethroned. To my indignation at the proposition was added astonishment that the request should come from a mere boy eighteen years of age; and I responded at once to his remark by saying, with some emphasis, that such a proposal was not to be considered. My answer would be"No," and this final. He then, with an air of apology, added, that he hoped I would not be offended with him personally, because he had only been the bearer of the message. Then he volunteered the intimation that, since his errand had been unsuccessful, I might receive a repetition of the same proposition in the course of a few days. I then asked him what was the intention of the missionary party? what did they propose to do to my brother? how was he to be dethroned? were they going to murder him? To these interrogatories he replied that he knew nothing more about it, and bade me adieu.

  But, in conformity with his words, about a week from that day my telephone was rung by Mr. W. R. Castle, who wished to know if I would be at home that morning; if so, he would like to call and see me on an important matter, and would arrive in about half an hour. He was told that I would see him, and at the appointed time he appeared. He indicated that our conference should be held in some place selected for its privacy, where we would not be overheard nor interrupted. I chose a side room, or corner, where I generally attended to my correspondence or did my literary work. But in a room adjoining there happened to be, at the moment of his visit, a party of girls who had met to consult on a little social matter, — the arrangements for a picnic. Just as soon as they heard me enter my writing-room, and recognized from the conversation that some one was with me, their voices hushed, and they remained as still as mice; and so listened to every word which passed between myself and Mr. Castle.

  He announced to me that he had come to propose that I should accept the throne, to which I should at once ascend, and receive the support of the missionary party. I demanded of him how my brother could be dethroned. Did they mean harm to his person? He denied that there was any such intent, but declared that King Kalakaua must retire, and that I should assume his position as the reigning sovereign. Perhaps they imagined at this time that I would be a willing tool to carry out all of their projects. It was true that I was always an active member of all the associated plans for carrying on missionary works, and was never appealed to in vain by the missionaries to give money or sympathy to all that was to be done in the name of Christianity. Whatever was to be undertaken by their church, or by any of their societies, had received my hearty co-operation from my earliest womanhood. I was about the first one to whom they went for subscriptions, nor did they ever go empty away. I was a member of the Fort-street Benevolent Society, also of the Strangers' Friend Society; and, at the very time of the landing of the United States troops to overthrow my government, was a member of the Woman's Board of Missions. In fact, I was concerned with the missionary party all my lifetime, in more measures of organized benevolent work than I have the space to mention here. Perhaps it was because I had gone hand in hand with them in all good works that they thought I would cast in my lot with them now for evil, — give my consent to their plans, so frankly avowed, of conspiracy for my brother's overthrow, and thus profit by their rebellion against his lawful authority. If so, they found themselves much mistaken. I allowed Mr. Castle to explain as fully as he pleased their designs, and then I told him with firmness and decision that I would have nothing to do with them in this matter. Seeing that I firmly declined the proposal, Mr. Castle retired; and as that was the last I heard about it, I infer that, having made their plots, they lacked the courage, or the heart, to put their plans into execution. I will do the missionary party the justice to state, that their confidence in my aid for every good word and work was not destroyed by my refusal to join in their conspiracies. About the time that the old Fort-street congregation was getting settled in their new and beautiful building, now called the Central Union Church, which is directly opposite my residence known as Washington Place, I received from my former instructor, Rev. E. G. Beckwith, a most flattering letter; and Mr. Charles Cook asked me to take a pew there at five hundred dollars a year. I was pleased to know that the reverend gentleman, who had known me throughout my whole life, — and at this time I was some years past my fiftieth birthday, — should entertain so favorable an opinion of his ancient pupil. Although I was at this time quite a regular attendant at the Kawaiahao church, yet I had this proposal of Mr. Cook under consideration. Just what I might have done I cannot now say; for the political events, which ultimately led to the overthrow of my government by his friends and his party, came upon me so thick and fast, that I had little time for the consideration of anything but the most important matters.