The morning of the 14th of January, 1893, arrived with all preparations for the closing of the legislature. At 10 A.M. I called a cabinet meeting for the purpose of apprising them of their positions in the House, and other preliminary instructions. I told them it was my intention to promulgate a new constitution. The cabinet had to meet the legislature, and we adjourned. At 12 m. I prorogued the legislature. I noticed that the hall was not filled as at the opening. There were many ladies present in the audience, and I also noticed that several members of the legislature belonging to the reform party were not there. This looked ominous of some coming trouble.

  On entering the palace I saw Mr. Wilson at the entrance of the Blue Room. I went up to him, and asked if it was all ready. He replied, "Yes." Then I said, "You will have to be brave to-day;" and I passed into the Blue Room, and sat awaiting my ministers. A half-hour passed, and they did not come. After a little longer delay they arrived. I immediately judged from their countenances that something was wrong. I had a few days before planned that I would sign the constitution in the throne-room and in the presence of the members of the legislature, the majority of whom had been elected by the people for the purpose of working for a new constitution.

  At the commencement of my reign petitions were sent from all parts of the kingdom asking for a new constitution. Mr. Iosepa of Hani, Kauhi of Ewa, Nahinu of Molokai, Kanealii of Waihee, Kamauoha of Kohala, and other members came to me repeatedly, and asked for a new constitution. Mr. Parker, from the commencement of his ministry, advocated a new constitution, as well as most of my friends, but I was cautious in my answers to them; but to Mr. Parker I had always said it would be a good thing, and he said he would sustain me when the proper opportunity arrived.

  A month later I met two members of the legislature, and started to make up a new constitution from Kamehameha V.'s and that of 1887. After completing it, I kept it until the month of October, when I placed it in the hands of Mr. A. P. Peterson, and asked him to correct, it, and if he found any defects to strike them out, and to put in such clauses as he thought would be good for the people and for the country. He took it, and kept it a whole month. To my knowledge he consulted many lawyers and others in regard to many points of interest in the document. When it was returned I looked it over and found no changes had been made, so I concluded that it was all right. A week before the closing of the legislature I asked Mr. Peterson to make a preamble for my new constitution, but up to the day of prorogation he had not made one.

  Early in January I mentioned to Captain Nowlein of the Household Guards, and Mr. Wilson the marshal, my intention to promulgate a new constitution, and to prepare themselves to quell any riot or outbreak from the opposition. They assured me they would be ready; and I gave strict injunctions of secrecy, and showed Mr. Wilson a plan of the throne-room on the day of the signing. Mr. Parker and Mr. Cornwell had given me assurances of their support before their appointment as ministers, while Mr. Peterson understood that such was my intention, and although I had not mentioned it to Mr. Colburn, he had heard of it already from Mr. Peterson. It appears that immediately on their learning of my intentions, Mr, Colburn, on the morning of the 14th of January, immediately acted the part of a traitor, by going to Mr. Hartwell, a lawyer, and informing him of my intentions, and of course received instructions from him to strongly advise me to abandon the idea.

  This, then, was the cause of the delay and my long waiting in the Blue Room. The members of the diplomatic corps had been invited, also the members of the supreme bench and members of the legislature, besides a committee of the Hui Kalaiaina. The latter were invited to be present because it was through them that many petitions had been sent to me. When the ministers arrived I told them everything in the throne-room was ready, and the guests were awaiting our presence; that we must not keep them waiting. I was surprised when the cabinet informed me that they did not think it advisable for me to take such a step, that there was danger of an uprising, etc. I told them I would not have taken such a step if they had not encouraged me. They had led me out to the edge of a precipice, and now were leaving me to take the step alone. It was humiliating. I said, "Why not give the people the constitution, and I will bear the brunt of all the blame afterwards." Mr. Peterson said, "We have not read the constitution." I told him he had had it in his possession a whole? nonth.

  The three ministers left Mr. Parker to try to dissuade me from my purpose; and in the meantime they all (Peterson, Cornwell, and Colburn) went to the government building to inform Thurston and his party of the stand I took. Of course they were instructed not to yield. When they went over everything was peaceful and quiet, and the guests waiting patiently in the throne-room. The ministers returned, and I asked them to read the constitution over. At the end I asked them what they saw injurious in the document. Mr. Peterson said there were some points which he thought were not exactly suited. I told him the legislature could make the amendments. He begged that I should wait for two weeks; in the meantime they would be ready to present it to me. With these assurances I yielded, and we adjourned to the throne-room.

  I stated to the guests present my reasons for inviting their presence. It was to promulgate a new constitution at the request of my people; that the constitution of 1887 was imperfect and full of defects. Turning to the chief justice, I asked, "Is it not so, Mr. Judd?" and he answered in the affirmative, in the presence of all the members assembled.

  I then informed the people assembled that under the advice of my ministers I had yielded, as they had promised that on some future day I could give them a new constitution. I then asked them to return to their homes and keep the peace. Everything seemed quiet until Monday morning. Even if any great commotion had been going on I would have remained indifferent; the reaction was a great strain, and all that took place after that I accepted as a matter of course. It was the disappointment in my ministry.

  At about ten A.M., Monday, the 16th of January, notice was issued by my ministers, stating "that the position I took and the attempt I made to promulgate a new constitution was at the earnest solicitation of my people — of my native subjects." They gave assurances that any changes desired in fundamental law of the land would be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself, and signed by myself and ministers. It was intended to reassure the people that they might continue to maintain order and peace.

  At about five P.M., however, the troops from the United States ship Boston were landed, by the order of the United States minister, J. L. Stevens, in secret understanding with the revolutionary party, whose names are L. A. Thurston, Henry Waterhouse, W. R. Castle, W. O. Smith, A. F. Judd, P. C. Jones, W. C. Wilder, S. B. Dole, Cecil Brown, S. M. Damon, C. Bolte, John Emmeluth, J. H. Soper, C. L. Carter. Why had they landed when everything was at peace? I was told that it was for the safety of American citizens and the protection of their interests. Then, why had they not gone to the residences, instead of drawing in line in front of the palace gates, with guns pointed at us, and when I was living with my people in the palace?

  Tuesday morning, at nine o'clock, Mr. S. M. Damon called at the palace. He told me that he had been asked to join a revolutionary council, but that he had declined. He asked me what he should do, and whether he should join the advisory or executive council, suggesting that perhaps he could be of service to me; so I told him to join the advisory council. I had no idea that they intended to establish a new government.

  At about two-thirty P.M., Tuesday, the establishment of the Provisional Government was proclaimed; and nearly fifteen minutes later Mr. J. S. Walker came and told me "that he had come on a painful duty, that the opposition party had requested that I should abdicate." I told him that I had no idea of doing so, but that I would like to see Mr. Neumann. Half an hour later he returned with that gentleman, and I explained to him my position, and he advised that I should consult my friends. I immediately sent for Messrs. J. O. Carter, Damon, Widemann, Cleghorn, my ministers; Messrs. Neumann, Walker, and Macfarlane also being present. The situation being taken into consideration, it was found that, since the troops of the United States had been landed to support the revolutionists, by the order of the American minister, it would be impossible for us to make any resistance.

  Mr. Damon had previously intimated to Mr. Parker that it was useless to resist, their party was supported by the American minister. Mr. Damon also said at the meeting that it was to be understood that I should remain at the palace, and continue to fly the royal standard. At six P.M. I signed the following protest : —

  I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian kingdom Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against myself and the constitutional government of the Hawaiian kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this kingdom.

  That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose Minister Plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu, and declared that he would support the said Provisional Government.

  Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under this protest and impelled by said forces, yield my authority until such time as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo (?) the action of its representative, and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.

  Done at Honolulu this seventeenth day of January, A.D. 1893.

  (Signed) LILIUOKALANI R.

  (Signed) SAMUEL PARKER,

  Minister of Foreign Affairs.

  (Signed) WM. H. CORNWELL,

  Minister of Finance.

  (Signed) JOHN F. COLBURN,

  Minister of Interior.

  (Signed) A. P. PETERSON,

  Attorney-General.

  (Addressed)

  To S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.

  A letter was sent to the marshal of the kingdom requesting him to deliver everything to the Provisional Government.

  All that night and next day everything remained quiet.

  At ten A.M., the 18th, I moved to Washington Place of my own accord, preferring to live in retirement.

  On the 19th of January, I wrote a letter to President Harrison, making an appeal that justice should be done.

  HIS EXCELLENCY BENJAMIN HARRISON,

  President of the United States :

  My great and good Friend, — It is with deep regret that I address you on this occasion. Some of my subjects, aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty, and revolted against the constitutional government of my kingdom. They have attempted to depose me, and establish a Provisional Government in direct conflict with the organic law of this kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proofs that His Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States had caused troops to be landed for that purpose, I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted in that manner unless by authority of the government which he represents.

  This action on my part was prompted by three reasons, the futility of a conflict with the United States, the desire to avoid violence and bloodshed and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your government will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises. In due time a statement of the true facts relating to this matter will be laid before you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uprightly and justly between myself and my enemies.

  This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my people, who have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States.

  My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained here for the purpose; and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to present their side of the conflict before you, I requested the favor of sending by the same vessel an envoy to you to lay before you my statement as the facts appear to myself and my loyal subjects.

  This request has been refused; and I now ask you, in justice to myself and to my people, that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you. I shall be able to despatch an envoy about the second day of February, as that will be the first available opportunity hence; and he will reach you with every possible haste, that there may be no delay in the settlement of this matter.

  I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives.

  I beg to assure you of the continuation of my highest consideration.

  (Signed) LILIUOKALANI R.

  It appears that President Harrison could not have taken notice of my appeal; for the I6th of February I find he sent a message to the Senate transmitting the treaty, with a view to its ratification, without having first investigated or inquired into all the conditions or points of our situation, or that of the United States itself. I will not attempt to write the President's message, as you are already aware of its text.

  I also wrote a letter to Mr. Cleveland.

  GROVER CLEVELAND,

  President-elect of the United States.

  My great and good Friend, — In the vicissitudes which happened in the Hawaiian Islands, and which affect my people, myself, and my house so seriously, I feel comforted the more that, besides the friendly relation of the United States, I have the boon of your personal friendship and good will.

  The changes which occurred here need not be stated in this letter. You will have, at the time at which it reaches you, the official information; but I have instructed the Hon. Paul Neumann, whom I have appointed my representative at Washington, to submit to you a précis of the facts and circumstances relating to the revolution in Honolulu, and to supplement it by such statements as you may please to elicit.

  I beg that you will consider this matter, in which there is so much involved for my people, and that you will give us your friendly assistance in granting redress for a wrong which we claim has been done to us, under color of the assistance of the naval forces, of the United States, in a friendly port. Believe me that I do not veil under this request to you anything the fulfilment of which could in the slightest degree be contrary to your position; and I leave our grievance in your hands, confident that, in so far as you deem it proper, we shall have your sympathy and your aid.

  I am, your good friend,

  LILIUOKALANI R.

  On the 31st of January the Hon. Paul Neumann received his appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States of America. On the ist of February he departed for Washington, with Prince David Kawanauakoa to accompany him on his commission, to negotiate for a withdrawal of the treaty, and to restore to us what had been taken away by the actions of the revolutionists. At my request Mr. E. C. Macfarlane kindly consented to accompany the commission.

  Happily Providence ordered otherwise than as was expected by the revolutionists. Man proposes and God disposes. My commissioners arrived in time to stay the progress of the treaty. The members of the Senate became doubtful as to the correctness of the actions of the commissioners of the Provisional Government.

  President Harrison's term expired. President Cleveland's first act has been to withdraw that annexation treaty; the second, to send a commissioner to investigate the situation in Hawaii Nei.

  Your arrival in this country has brought relief to our people and your presence safety. There is no doubt but that the Provisional Government would have carried out extreme measures toward myself and my people, as you may have already seen ere this, by their unjust actions. If the President had been indifferent to my petitions, I am certain it would have brought serious results to myself and tyranny to my subjects. In this I recognize the high sense of justice and honor in the person who is ruler of the American nation.

  In making out this lengthy statement I will present the main points : —

  (1) That it has been a project of many years on the part of the missionary element that their children might some day be rulers over these Islands, and have the control and power in their own hands, as was the case after the revolution of 1887. Mr. W. W. Hall openly stated that they had planned for this for twelve years. It was a long-thought-of project, a dream of many years. So also said Mr. F. S. Lyman of Hilo, in his speech to the people in the month of January. He said, "Fifteen long years we have prayed for this, and now our prayers are heard."

  The disposition of those appointed to positions of authority, to act with the missionary element, tends to make the government unstable; and because they found I could not easily be led by them, they do not like me.

  (2) The interference of the American minister, J. L. Stevens, in our local affairs, and conspiring with a few foreign people to overthrow me and annex these Islands to the United States, and by his actions, has placed me and my people in this unhappy position.

  (3) My attempt to promulgate a new constitution. It was in answer to the prayers and petitions of my people. They had sent petitions to the late king, and to the legislature ever since 1887.

  The legislature is the proper course by which a new constitution or any amendments to the constitution could be made; that is the law. But when members are bribed and the legislature corrupted, how can one depend on any good measure being carried by the House? It is simply impossible. That method was tried and failed. There was only one recourse; and that was, that with the signature of one of the cabinet I could make a new constitution.

  There is no clause in the constitution of 1887, to which I took my oath to maintain, stating "that there should be no other constitution but this;" and article 78 reads that —

  "Wheresoever by this constitution any actis tobe done or performed by the king or sovereign it shall, unless otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be done and performed by the sovereign by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet."