1.129–31 Froissart relates that during the Scottish campaign of 1341, after destroying the city of Durham, King David and his men ‘loged that nyght besyde a castel of therle of Salysburies’ (190). He does not name the castle. Froissart adds that the ‘captayne therof was sir Wyllyam Montagu, son to therle of Salysburis suster’ (190) and that ‘Ther was within present the noble countesse of Salysbury, who was as than reputed for the most sagest and fayrest lady of all England: the castell parteyned to her husbande therle of Salisbury, who was taken prisoner, with the erle of Suffolke, before Lyle in Flanders … and was in prison as than in the chatelot of Parys’ (191). Froissart describes the Scots as moving on from the castle the following day, having spent a night ‘besyde’ it: ‘The next day the Scottes dysloged to go towarde Carlyle, they had moch caryage with them, of such pyllage as they had won at Dyram. Whan syr Wyllyam Montagu sawe how the Scottes passed by without restyng, than he with xl. with him yssued out a horsbacke, and folowed covertly the hynder trayne of the Scottes, who had horses so charged with baggage, that they might scant go any gret pace. And he overtoke them at thentryng into a wood, and set on them, and ther slewe and hurt of the Scottes mo than CC. and toke mo than sixscore horses charged with pyllage, and so led them toward the castell.’ The ensuing flight of these Scots caught the attention of ‘syr Wyllyam Duglas, who had the charge of the reregarde’ and he then pursued Montague ‘and rested nat tyll they came to the fote of the castell’ where ‘thenglysshmen were entred, and had closed the barryers, and put their pray in saftie. Than the Scottes began to assayle feersly, and they within defended them; ther these two Wyllyams dyd what they might, eche to greve other: this assaut endured so long, that all thoost [the Scottish army] came thyder, kyng and all.’ The next day ‘the kyng of Scottes commaunded that every man shulde be redy to assayle [the castle], and they within were redy to defende’ (190–1). Painter, translating Bandello’s fictional elaboration of the story, states merely that the Scots decided to take advantage of the absence of the Earl of Salisbury, ‘gouernour’ of ‘the marches’ or borderlands, who had been imprisoned in France, and so ‘speedely sent thether an armie, with intent to take the Countesse prisoner, to raise her Castle & to make bootie of the riches that was there’ (sig. 3Q1r).

  Froissart goes on to describe how ‘they of the castell sawe well, if kynge Davyd contynued his sege, how they shuld have moche ado to defende them and their castell; wherfore they toke counsell amonge them, to sende to kyng Edward, who lay at Yorke … Than they loked among them who shulde do the message, but they coude fynde none that wolde leave the castell, and the presence of the fayre lady to do that dede … Than whan the captayne sir Wyllyam Montagu sawe that, he sayd, Sirs, I se well the trueth and good wyll that ye bere to my lady of this house, so that for the love of her, and for you all, I shall put my body in adventur to do this message, for I have suche trust in you, that ye shall right well defende this castell tyll I retourne agayne: and on thother syde, I have suche trust in the king, our soverayne lorde, that I shall shortly bring you suche socours, that shall cause you to be joyfull’ (191–2). For Painter, see 2.48–56 LN.

  1.133–4 After the old Duke of Brittany died without issue, a dispute over the duchy ensued between his half-brother, John of Montfort, and his niece, married to a nephew to the King of France, Charles of Blois. The old Duke had arranged his niece’s marriage in the hope that the King of France would support Charles of Blois against any claim to the duchy by Montfort (Froissart, 171–2). Without delay Montfort conquered much of Brittany and paid homage for it to King Edward in order to gain protection from him against Charles (see 173–9). Cf. Froissart, 178, ‘THUS therle Mountfort conquered the countrey, and made hymselfe to be called duke of Bretayne: … Than he toke the see … and so arryved in Cornwall, in England … than he … came to Wyndsore, wher he was receyved with gret joye and feest, bothe of the kyng and of the quene, and of all the lordes. Than he shewed the kynge and his counsayle howe he was in possession of the duchy of Bretayne, fallen to hym by succession, by the deth of his brother, last duke of Breten; but he feared lest that sir Charles of Bloyes, and the Frenche kynge wolde put hym out therof by puyssance, wherfore he sayd, he was come thyder to relyve, and to holde the duchy of the kyng of Englande, by fealtie and homage, for ever, so that he wolde defende hym agaynst the Frenche kynge, and all other that shulde put hym to any trouble for the mater. The kynge of Englande ymagined that his warre agaynste the Frenche kynge shulde be well fortifyed by that meanes, and howe that he coude nat have no more profitable way for hym to entre into France, than by Bretayne, remembring howe the Almayns and Brabances had done lytell or nothyng for hym, but caused hym to spende moche money; wherfore, joyously he condyscended to therle Mountfortes desyre, and there toke homage by the handes of therle, callyng hymselfe duke of Bretaygne’. The dispute over Brittany became a microcosm of the war between France and England, although in this instance it was the French King who was supporting a claimant through the female line: ‘in Brittany Edward and Philip were both going directly contrary to the positions they had so hotly taken up over their respective titles to the throne of France’ (Packe, 124; see 22–5n. and LN, 56–86 LN and 58n.). According to Froissart, 218, Salisbury was among ‘a certayn nombre’ sent in 1342 to Brittany (after Montfort had been captured and imprisoned by the French in 1341) to aid his wife, the Countess of Montfort. She had come to England to ask for help in defending the title in her husband’s name and on behalf of her son: ‘SIR ROBERT DARTOYES, erle of Rychmont, and with hym … the erle of Salisbury … and dyvers other knyghtes of Englande and their companyes were with the countesse of Mountfort on the see’ (Froissart, 219). The historical situation was thus more complicated than the play suggests: the timing is compressed, bringing forward later events, and Salisbury supports Montfort himself rather than Montfort’s wife. Montfort left prison in 1345, when further English efforts to restore him failed, though only briefly, as he died later that year (Holinshed, 3.367).

  1.147–52 See Froissart, 91–102: ‘The kyng often tymes desyred counsell of his chefe and speciall frendes and counsellours. Fynally, his counsellours answered hym and sayd … sende suffycient messangers, well enfourmed of your intencyon, to therle of Heynaulte, whose doughter ye have maryed’ (91). Derby, however, was not in this party. When the ambassadors met the Earl of Hainault, ‘therle sayd … I shall nat fayle to ayde my dere and wel beloved sonne, the kyng of England’ (92). In subsequent discussions ‘These Englyssh embassadours … thought it shulde be a great comforte to the kynge their lorde, yf they might gette the Flemmynges to take their part. Than they toke counsell of therle in that mater, and he answered, that truely it shulde be one of the grettest aydes that they coude have’ (95). In negotiations with the Flemings, it was agreed that ‘the kynge of Englande myght come and go into Flaunders at his pleasure. Howe be it, they sayd they were so sore bounde to the French kyng, that they myght nat entre into the realme of Fraunce to make any warre’ (96). This unlimited free access so needed by the English was, however, thwarted by ‘certayne nobles of Flaunders [who] kept the yle of Cagaunt [Cadsand] agaynst thenglysshemen’ (97). It was in order to break this garrison that ‘therle of Derby … and dyverse other knyghtes and squiers, with fyve hundred men of armes, and two thousande archers … toke shippyng at London … and sayled into Flaunders’ (98). After describing the ensuing English victory Froissart states that ‘The erle of Derby was that day a good knyght’ (99). Froissart goes on to describe further consultation with the Flemings. After the battle ‘they sayd to the kyng of Englande, Syr, we se no cause why we shulde make defyance to the French kyng … without ye can gette thagrement of themperour, and that he wolde commaunde us to do so in his name; the emperour may well thus do, for of long tyme past there was a covenant sworne and sealed, that no kyng of Fraunce ought to take any thyng parteyning to thempyre: and this kyng Philyppe hath taken [two castles and a city] … wherfore themperour hath good cause to defye hym by us’ (102). Historically, therefore, Edward was compelled to seek the Emperor’s backing in order to confirm the support of his other allies and ‘to confer public legitimacy on an invasion of France’ (Sumption, 1.198). The play, in compressing the action and enhancing the sense of Edward’s initiative, avoids explaining his need for the Emperor’s support.

  2.48–56 See Froissart, 192–3, ‘sir Wyllyam Montagu passed through thoost, and was nat sene, and so rode forth tyll it was day; than he met ii. Scottes, half a leage fro thost, drivyng before them two oxen and a cowe towarde thoost. Syr Wyllyam … set on them … than he sayd to the two hurt Scottes, Go your wayes, and say to your kyng, that Wyllyam of Montague hath thus passed through his hoost, and is goyng to fetch ayde of the kyng of Englande, and so departed. Than the same mornynge, the kyng of Scottes made a feerse assaut [on the castle], but nothing coude he wyn, and every day lightly they made assaut: than his counsell sawe how he dyd but lese his men, and that the kyng of England might well come thyder, or [before] the castell were won. Thane they by one acorde counselled their kyng to depart, sayeng, how the abyding ther, was nat for his profet, nor yet for his honour; and sayd, Sir, … all thynges consydred, it were good nowe that ye retourned, and take with you your pyllage that ye have wonne, and another tyme ye may returne agayne whan it pleaseth you. The kyng, who wold nat do agaynst the opynyons of all his counsell, agreed to them, sore agaynst his mynde.’ Painter, who makes no mention of Montague, states that the Scots ‘were so liuely repelled by them that were within, that not able to indure their furie, in steade of making their approches, they were constrayned to goe further of. And hauing intelligence by certayne spies, that the King of Englande was departed from London, with a great armie, to come to succour the Countesse, perceyuing that a farre of, they were able to doe little good, they were faine shortly to retire home agayne to their shame’ (sig. 3Q1r).

  2.219–25 In Painter, Edward writes and seals his own letter (not poem) and commands ‘the Secretarie to goe to the Countesse, at her fathers house, and secretly to deliuer the same, which he did’ (sig. 3R1v). These actions occur in Painter only after Edward has confessed his feelings to the Countess and been rebuffed (and, most importantly, after she is widowed – see 442 SD LN). Froissart mentions no such confidant nor letter-writing, merely a verbal confession to the Countess, a swift rebuff and Edward’s abashed exit (Froissart, 193–5). In Froissart, 216–17, some time after leaving the Countess, Edward returns to London, Salisbury having meanwhile been released from prison in Paris: ‘for the love of this lady, and for the great desyre that the king had to se her, he caused a great feest to be cryed, and a justyng to be holden’. The Countess (referred to as ‘Alys’ – see LR, 6n.) ‘went as simply as she myght, to the intent that the kyng shulde nat sette his regarde on her, for she was fully determyned to do no maner of thynge that shulde tourne to her dyshonour nor to her husbandes’. The King is then called back to the war.

  2.360–2 Cf. Froissart, 194, ‘she came to the kyng with a mery chere, who was in a gret study, and she sayd Dere syr, why do ye study so?’ Cf. also Painter, ‘the Countesse seing him so pensife, without any apparaunt occasion, sayde vnto him. “Sir I doe not a little maruell, to see you reduced into these alterations. For (me thinke) your grace is maruellously chaunged wt in these two or thre houres, … But I cannot tell nor yet deuise, what should be the occasion that your highnesse is so pensife and sorrowfull, sithe without great losse on your part, your enemies vnderstanding of your stoute approch, be retired, which ought, as I suppose, to driue away the melancolie from your stomack, and to reuoke your former ioy, for so muche as victorie acquired without effusion of bloude, is alwayes moste noble and acceptable before God” ’ (sig. 3Q2r–v).

  2.363–5 Cf. Froissart, 194, ‘Than the kyng sayd, A, dere lady, knowe for trouthe, that syth I entred into the castell, ther is a study come to my mynde, so that I can nat chuse but to muse, nor I can nat tell what shall fall therof; put it out of my herte I can nat.’ Cf. also Painter, ‘ “Ah Madame, howe farre be my thoughtes farre different from those which you doe thinke me to haue, I feele my heart so opprest with care, that it is impossible to tell you what it is, howbeit the same hath not bene of long continuaunce, being attached there withall, since my comming hither, which troubleth me so sore, that I cannot tell wherevpon well to determine” ’ (sig. 3Q2v).

  2.372–4 Cf. Froissart, 194, ‘A, fayre lady, quoth the kyng: … the swete behavyng, the perfyt wysedom, the good grace, noblenes, and exellent beauty that I se in you, hath so sore surprised my hert, that I can nat but love you, and without your love I am but deed’. Cf. also Painter, ‘Wherevnto, the king seing her simplicitie, answered. “Madame, the beginning of my grief riseth not of that, but my wounde resteth in the inwarde parte of my heart, which pricketh me so sore, that if I desire from henceforth to prolong my lyfe, I must open the same vnto you, reseruing the cause thereof, so secrete, that none but you and I must be partakers” ’ (sig. 3Q3r).

  2.417–20 While Painter is aware of Edward’s marriage, and at the beginning of the story speaks of the ‘one wyfe that he had, which was the sayde vertuous Queene Phillip’ (sig. 3P4v), for the purposes of his fiction, Edward’s queen is long dead. Painter speaks of the King’s liberty, ‘which of long time I haue so happyly preserued’ (sig. 3Q3r). In Painter, Edward attempts the virtue of the Countess twice, first when she is married, then again after she is widowed (see 442 SD and LN). In both instances Edward’s pursuit is portrayed as ignoble, sex outside marriage being defined as sinful. Later in Painter, after the second attempt on the widowed Countess, her father, Warwick, reprimands the King in terms of adultery: ‘Remember sir that for a little suspicion of adulterie, you caused Roger Mortimer to be put to death’ (sig. 3S1v).

  2.433–6 Cf. Painter, ‘And if I should so farre forget my selfe, as willingly to commit a thing so dishonest, your grace ought for the loyall seruice of my father and husbande towarde you, sharpely to rebuke me, and to punishe me according to my deserte’ (sigs 3Q3v–4r). Cf. also Froissart, 194, ‘certenly sir, ye shulde in this case have but a small prayse, and nothyng the better therby: I had never as yet such a thought in my hert, nor I trust in God never shall have, for no man lyveng; if I had any suche intencyon, your grace ought nat all onely to blame me, but also to punysshe my body, ye [yea] and by true justice to be dismembred’.

  2.437–40 Cf. Painter, ‘knowing this your attempt to proceede rather from the pleasantnesse of your hearte, than for other affection, I will beleue from henceforth, and persuade my selfe, that a Prince so renowmed and gentle as you be, doth not thinke, and much lesse meane, to attempt any thing against myne honour, which is a thousand times dearer vnto me than lyfe. And I am persuaded, that you doe not so little esteeme my father, and my husband, who is for your seruice prisoner in the hands of the French men, our mortall enemies, as in their absence to procure vnto them suche defamation and slaunder’ (sig. 3Q3v). Painter, following Froissart, but unlike the play, locates this stage of the story at the time when the Earl of Salisbury was in prison (see 1.133–4n. and LN). Cf. also Froissart, 194, ‘I can nat byleve that it is true that ye say, nor that so noble a prince as ye be, wold thynke to dyshonour me and my lorde, my husbande, who is so valyant a knight, and hath done your grace so gode servyce, and as yet lyethe in prison for your quarell.’ The play’s adjustment of the received narrative is congruous with the role to be played by Salisbury in later scenes (9, 13 and 18).

  2.442 SD At this point in Painter Edward leaves for London, during which time the Countess discovers that her husband Salisbury has died of sickness after his release from prison. The rest of the King’s courtship in Painter is thus addressed to a widowed Countess, who still maintains the importance of her chastity (see 417–20n.): ‘Certaine dayes after that King Edward was arriued at London, which was the place of his ordinarie abode, the Countesse of Salesburie was aduertised, that the Earle her husbande, being out of prison, consumed with griefe & sicknesse, died by the way homewardes. And bicause they had no children, the Earledome retorned to ye King, which first gaue the same vnto him. And after she had lamented the death of her husbande the space of many dayes, she retourned to her fathers house, which was Earle of Warwicke. And for so muche as he was one of the Kinges priuie Counsell, and the most part of the affaires of the realme passed by his aduise and counsell, he continued at London, that he might be more nere vnto the Kinges person. The King aduertized of the comming of the Countesse, thought that fortune had opened a way to bring his enterprise to desired effecte, specially for that the death of her husbande, and the witnesse of his earnest good will, would make her more tractable. The king seing all thing (as he thought) to succede after his desire, began to renewe his first affections, seeking by all meanes to practise the good wil of the Countesse, who then was of the age of .xxvj. yeares.… the king coulde not vse suche discretion in loue, but that from his secret fier, some euident flames did issue out. But the Countesse which was a wise and curteous Lady, did easely perceyue, how the king by chaunging the place, had not altered his affection, and that he still prosecuted his talke begon at Salesberie. She despising all his amorous countenaunces, continued her firme and chaste minde. And if it chaunced that sometimes the king, made more of her, than discretion required, sodainly might haue bene discried a certaine palenesse in her face, which declared the little pleasure that she toke in his toyes, with a certayne rigor appearing, that yelded to the king, an assured testimonie that he laboured in vaine’ (sigs 3Q4v–3R1r).