“But will it work going up against the people who developed that strategy in the first place?” Peter asked.

  “That is an excellent question, Herr Schreiber. We don’t know the answer. At the least, it will throw the Russians off balance.”

  “With their regime change, there has to be mass confusion over there right now,” Peter said. “I think we should take advantage of that.”

  “Indeed,” Colonel Gehlen interjected. “According to Abwehr sources, the confusion in Moscow is not as severe as you might think. The people at the top are largely the same, and Malenkov has not instituted the mass purges we might have expected. But they are off-balance anyway after losing badly in Silesia. Now is the time to move.”

  “We were able to recover several air bases in the Warsaw area with remarkably little damage to them,” the Reichsmarshall continued. “The Russians were trying to use them up to the last minute, and we think they did not anticipate us moving so quickly. We are moving several squadrons of Fortresses, ground support, and fighters into the bases, and they should be operational within a couple of days.”

  “What about the railways?” Rainer asked.

  “That would be my problem to discuss,” Ribbentrop said. “In short, they are a mess. The Russians were trying to change them over to their gauge, and we bombed them heavily to deny usage. The Reichsbahn insists they will have two tracks open to Warsaw within the week.”

  “We had eight tracks before,” Schloss mused. “How much do we need?”

  “I think we’ll have eight tracks again by the end of the year,” Ribbentrop replied. “If we are going to support the Ukrainians, we will need every bit of it. Plus, the OKW wants to reinforce heavily along the Bug River.”

  “Can we believe the Reichsbahn when they tell us this?” Rainer asked.

  “Our arguments with them were over logistics, not infrastructure,” Ribbentrop replied. “And the Reich Chancellor solved that problem a couple of years ago. Not to say there’s no resentment there, though.”

  Schloss snorted. “I thought there was going to be bloodshed before we got that one settled. Anything else, Gerd?”

  Von Rundstedt nodded. “Yes. Just a status report on the Boeing jet bomber. They hope to have a prototype by June of next year. They are making good progress. The only sour note is that the American government has elected not to participate in the program for now. They have funding issues.”

  Peter smiled. “I’ll just bet they do. They ended their war and demobilized as quickly as they could. The accident in their Northwest provided a convenient excuse to do so. They don’t want to spend money on arms if there is no apparent threat.”

  “That may be shortsighted on their part,” Gehlen added. “They have to be nervous about what’s going on in Japan.”

  “Everybody in the Far East is scared to death about it,” Peter interjected. “The Japanese laid waste to a quarter of the hemisphere and got out of the war with their economy and industrial plant intact. Nobody else out there has the money or resources to do anything if Tokyo decides to rearm.”

  “Truman could shut off the flow of oil,” Ribbentrop stated.

  “Yes,” Peter replied, “but that didn’t stop them the last time.”

  “The Americans forced something like unconditional surrender upon the Japanese,” Schloss said. “They interned the entire Japanese fleet and have people in all the key offices.”

  “But the radicals killed Yamamoto. They apparently have a power base.”

  “And Truman has guaranteed the security of the Western Pacific,” Schloss stated.

  “Very true. And to the point about the Boeing jet bomber, the Americans feel it doesn’t have the range for their needs.”

  “But it will be almost perfect for us,” von Rundstedt said. “Although, hopefully, the war will be over by the time the aircraft comes into service.”

  “I love your optimism,” Schloss laughed. “We should all hope for something like that. But, even following the war with Russia, I think we will still need weapons like that bomber.”

  Schloss looked down at his typed agenda. “Karl, you had something?”

  “Unfortunately, yes. It seems that since we now have the upper hand in the war, the Munich Faction is getting active again. Gerhard Wicklein has been able to develop insight into some but not all of their operations. One of the disturbing things we have learned is that Erhard Milch is active in the movement. I’m surprised they trust him, but his administrative talents have had an impact. Wicklein said that the faction is operating more efficiently than in the past.”

  “I wish we had arrested Milch in my office,” Schloss grumbled. “I know we must look forward after we make mistakes, but that still annoys me.”

  “I was there, too,” Rainer said. “I should have pushed harder to arrest the man. We are going to regret that, I believe.”

  “Okay, Karl,” Schloss said, “I trust you will stay on top of that.”

  § § §

  August 14, 1944; 9:08 AM

  Imperial Palace

  Tokyo, Japan

  “Where is my prime minister?” Hirohito asked querulously.

  The emperor stood in his office and faced his private secretary, who shivered in terror. Prime Minister Konoe was due at nine o’clock for his weekly meeting, and he hadn’t arrived.

  “I… I don’t know, Your Majesty. His office called to let me know he was on the way.”

  “This is not acceptable. You will find out where the prime minister is currently.”

  “Of course, Your Majesty.”

  “And you will return to tell me when you find out.”

  “Of course, Your Majesty.” With that, the secretary fled from the office.

  Hirohito stalked back and slumped into his chair. The lack of information frightened him and reminded him, once again, how isolated he was in the palace. The government, the military, or both, could ignore him and follow their wishes while proclaiming obedience. And there was little he could do. He wished Yamamoto was still alive.

  Fifteen minutes later, the emperor's private secretary glided into the office. He waited until Hirohito saw him.

  “Yes, yes, what is it?”

  “Majesty, the Army stopped Prime Minister Konoe’s car while he was on his way here. They have detained him.”

  Hirohito gripped the arms of his chair, and his fingers turned white from the pressure.

  “And what of the guard force around the palace?”

  “The Naval Military Police are in place, and all is peaceful.”

  “Has anyone alerted them?”

  “Why should we alert them, Majesty? All is peaceful.”

  The emperor stood again. “You are a fool! The Army has taken direct action against my government. Where is the Guard Captain?”

  “I do not know, Your Majesty.”

  “Then what use are you?” Hirohito shouted.

  The emperor walked to the door from his office and pulled it open.

  “Where is the guard captain?” he shouted.

  Moments later, a navy lieutenant-commander hurried into the room.

  “Yes, Your Majesty?”

  “You have heard that the Prime Minister was detained by the army on his way here this morning?”

  “I had not heard that, Majesty. I must see to my men.”

  The guard captain bowed low and then hurried out. At least someone was aware of the danger, Hirohito thought. The emperor stepped out of his office again.

  “I need to see the Seneschal immediately.”

  People were paying attention, now, he thought. The Seneschal arrived within five minutes.

  “How may I assist you today, Your Majesty?” the man asked.

  “I want to implement our evacuation plan.”

  “To the naval base in Tokyo?”

  “Yes, yes. And it needs to happen immediately.”

  “Wait here, Your Majesty. I will set things in motion.”

  “Thank you.”

  The Seneschal bowed and quickly walked from the office.

  CHAPTER fifty-ONE

  August 16, 1944; 8 AM

  The White House

  Washington, DC, USA

  “So we have the Japanese emperor hiding out in a Japanese naval base and asking for US protection,” Harry Truman stated. “Do I have this correct?”

  “To the best of our knowledge, Mr. President,” William Donovan replied. “Things are confused in Tokyo, and any reports we receive are incomplete. But the Japanese Army apparently has decided to follow up on the Yamamoto assassination with an attempt to capture Hirohito. We potentially face a civil war over there.”

  “That would be all we need,” Truman sighed. “We’ve made a commitment, not just to the Japanese, but everybody in the Western Pacific, to keep the peace. And I’ve got the Secretary of Defense cutting every dollar out of the budget that he can, and then some.”

  “Fortunately, the Germans seem to have the Soviets on the run,” Donovan noted. “I believe we can see things settling down in Europe, at least for the short term.”

  “You really are an optimist, aren’t you, Bill?” Truman’s grinned in irony. “If Schloss manages to end the war with the Soviets, then he will likely face revolts within his own conquered territories. And with the British elections coming up, God only knows what will happen there.”

  “I try to be balanced, Mr. President. Certainly, there is no predicting what will happen once Murphy gets involved. But I believe that Schloss and the Brits will keep a lid on things in Europe, at least for the short term. We can focus our attention on the Pacific.”

  “Nice of the Brits to help us out in the Pacific,” Truman grumbled.

  “They have their own problems, Sir. Their treasury is effectively broke, and they want to assume ownership of large swaths of their economy.”

  “I cannot object to that philosophy,” Truman pointed out. “But there is such a thing as getting in too big of a hurry.”

  “I know you, and I will probably disagree on that, but I think after a generation of dipping their hands into the public purse, the Brits will be looking for a way to get out of what they are now trying to do.”

  “We’re wandering afield here, Mr. Director,” Truman said.

  Donovan interpreted the statement as that British politics were not something the president wished to discuss right now.

  “Yes, the Japanese,” Donovan said. “I have people in Japan, but not very many are orientals. It is rapidly becoming a military decision, but I would recommend that we provide naval and air support to protect our people, but allow the Japs to solve their problems internally.”

  “And if they form a truly radical government?”

  “If they do, they do. There is not much we can do about it without committing half a million troops to the operation. We hold their navy, and we control their oil imports. We can lock them up on their islands, and there is little they can do about it. Perhaps we can allow the infection to burn out.”

  “Do you think that is likely?”

  “No, but any alternative gets a lot of people killed. Will the public accept that?”

  “That’s the question that lands on my desk, Mr. Director. I think we need to get the full war committee in here and do some brainstorming. I’m afraid this one will worsen before it gets better, and we need to get ourselves organized. Hirohito still represents the legitimate government of Japan, and I think we need to support him.”

  “Very well,” Donovan said. “Was there anything else, Mr. President?”

  “No, that will be all for now. Thanks for coming in, Bill.”

  Donovan nodded and walked out of the Oval Office. He was glad he didn’t have the pressures that Harry Truman faced. The president had aged ten years during the short time he had been in office. Running a spy operation was fun by comparison. But William Donovan wanted to talk to the deputy directors in the OSS. There had to be a way to finesse the situation in Japan so that things didn’t spiral out of control if they hadn’t already.

  Truman, meanwhile, arranged for a meeting of the war committee that afternoon. He then personally called the Majority and Minority Leaders of the House and Senate to bring them up to date on the Japanese situation. he would have to meet personally with them to get their take on things.

  While the president did not doubt that military force would be involved at some point, he was still dealing with what was a political problem. Before he started blustering to the Japanese, he needed to make sure he had the sense of the Congress. And he undoubtedly needed a better feel for what the people in the country thought. They were still digging themselves out of a major catastrophe in the Pacific Northwest. The people were pathetically happy when the war ended so they could focus on the cleanup from the atomic accident. They would likely not react well to another war.

  Worst of all, from Truman’s viewpoint, was the election coming in the fall. The Republicans had just nominated Robert Taft for President in their summer convention. Truman was not worried about losing the election – he willingly stood in judgment by the American people. But Taft was not only a staunch conservative but also an isolationist. The risk was that Taft and a Republican congress would undo much of Roosevelt’s New Deal and tear down the relationships with other nations that Truman had worked so hard to build.

  And his next meeting was with his Campaign Manager, James Farley. The secretary ushered him into the Oval Office precisely at 9 AM.

  “Good morning, Mr. President,” Farley said brightly.

  Truman nodded. “Mr. Farley. What do we have today?”

  “Do you want the good news or the bad first?”

  “Is there any good news?” Truman asked.

  “Taft claims you couldn’t be elected dog catcher. I think you probably could.”

  Truman laughed heartily. “And I would do my best as dog catcher.”

  “I know you would, Mr. President. But this is the job you have. We need to work on communicating how well you have done in this office. Everyone is focused on Hanford, Washington, and what people don’t realize is how badly this could have gone.”

  “I think it was plenty bad, James.”

  Farley shook his head. “No, Mr. President. It could have been much worse. We kept the people fed and housed. And the cleanup is going better than anyone expected.”

  “Tell that to the people in Ogden,” Truman swore. “That was the biggest mess you ever did see.”

  “And everyone saw how you directly jumped in to fix it.”

  “But it never should have happened.”

  “Mr. President, let’s talk politics here. I cried when I heard about the people in that camp. The level of incompetence was embarrassing and inexcusable. But I had my team plant stories in the Press about how moved you were when you saw the condition of the camp, and your disgust was clear while you moved quickly and resolutely to deal with the problem. It ended as a net plus for you.”

  “I understand what you are saying,” Truman replied. “The fact remains that I am responsible for that situation in Ogden.”

  “And your biggest strength is that you don’t shy away from responsibility and everybody knows it. The American people know nobody is perfect, and they appreciate a politician who can freely admit that and then works to remedy their errors.”

  “Okay, I understand that. We have, what, a month and a half until the election. What do I need to do to win this thing?”

  “I have the party machinery in gear, and it is working smoothly. Finances are decent but not great. But the party is behind you solidly.”

  Truman seated himself behind his desk and clasped his hands behind his head as he leaned back.

  “What is it you aren’t telling me, then, James?”

  “That the polls suck,” Farley immediately responded. “We have an uphill fight this time around.”

  “Tell me what’s hurting us, although I already pretty well know.”

  Farley leaned forward and placed his hands on the edge of the desk.

  “Mr. President, while most of the country is happy the war is over, there is some resentment that we let the Japanese get away with a lot. And, while people are happy with the way you are handling the cleanup out west, it still happened on your watch. And Bob Taft is taking full advantage of that.”

  “As I would if I were him,” Truman commented. “Taft is no fool.”

  “And also, the Democrats have held both houses and the presidency for twelve years. A lot of people think that’s long enough.”

  “Okay, I’ve got the schedule of speeches and campaign meetings. Any thoughts on the speeches?”

  “You’ve got a good speechwriter, Mr. President. Don’t let him get away from you.”

  “I don’t intend to.”

  “Take advantage of the presidency, Mr. President,” Farley lectured. “Use your airplane. It impresses people when you fly in to see them. I’ve got people around the country looking for things to fix. I don’t believe in us buying our way into office, but there are a lot of opportunities to make people happy. Build bridges, libraries, and the like. I’ve already spoken to Speaker Rayburn, and he has people turning over rocks.”

  “Good,” Truman responded. “That’s what we’re here for, after all. If we can afford it and it makes sense, we can do it.”

  “Right. Well, that’s all I had, Mr. President.”

  “Same here. I’ll see you next week, James.”

  “Of course, Mr. President.”

  CHAPTER fifty-TWO

  August 21, 1944; 8 AM

  The Queen’s Office

  Buckingham Palace

  London, England, UK

  “And so, Ma’am, the news of the day has the US Navy protecting Hirohito from his own army. After fleeing to the Tokyo naval base, he called for help from the Americans.”