“A good question, Karl,” Peter replied. “We don’t have any direct interests in that part of the world, other than a small mission in Shanghai. Chiang is still friendly. There have been rumors that the Japanese were talking to the Communists before the end of the war.”

  Schloss thought about what he knew of China in his previous life as a history professor in 1982 Berlin. He had inadvertently put his finger on the scale during his contest with Himmler and dramatically changed history in this universe. Or had he? There were some events before the accident that sent him here that were different. The deaths of George VI, his wife, and the crown princess were one example. And, of course, there was Hitler’s death.

  The Communist victory in China in 1948 in his former universe was an interesting question. Could he put his finger on the scale and change the balance of history in Asia? Should he? He was interested in trying but wasn’t sure if it was the right or moral thing to do.

  He glanced over at Frau Pappel, who was watching him intently. She nodded imperceptibly. It seemed she knew what she was thinking. That she was here as a result of Frau Marsden’s influence told him that his current secretary probably knew what he was thinking and wanted him to act. But he had never been able to determine Frau Marsden’s agenda.

  Perhaps the best thing was to temporize and leave Germany in a position to act when the situation was clear.

  “All right, Peter. Let the Japanese know we want to be a friend, but we have no means to involve ourselves in their domestic matters, plus we are reluctant to do so. And have the Shanghai mission start working towards a closer relationship with Chiang. His army based on our model – I hope I got that one right – and it gives us a window into that part of the world.”

  Schreiber looked surprised. “Of course. I will see to it.”

  Before closing the meeting, Schloss looked down at his typewritten agenda. He had forgotten the item about Japan, and now he noted that Rainer had a report on the Munich Faction.

  “Karl, you had something on the Munich Faction?”

  “Yes, Herr Reich Chancellor. I would like to report that the threat from the Munich Faction is over. While we haven’t caught everyone, the organization has ceased to exist. Our activities moving forward will involve working to detain the rest of the people who escaped as well as working to prevent the group from reorganizing.”

  “Have we captured Milch?” Schloss asked.

  “We have not. But we believe the net is closing around him. We do not believe he has left the country, and our best intelligence has him in the Munich area.”

  “He is more dangerous than I thought he would be,” Schreiber commented.

  “That is true,” Ribbentrop agreed. “I suppose he applied his administrative skills to the Faction. They were more of a rabble before.”

  “I agree,” Rainer stated. “Heydrich was a dangerous foe, but the Munich Faction was largely a one-man operation when he ran it. Milch was happy to stay in the background and run things smoothly.”

  “I hope we got that infection cut out of the body politic,” Schloss said.

  “Does that mean we will now have elections?” Ribbentrop asked.

  “Thank you for reminding me, Joachim,” Schloss said dryly. “Let’s put that on the agenda for our next meeting. I believe we need to start planning for elections.”

  Everyone in the room looked uncomfortable. Schloss noted it.

  “Come, meine Herren. Not doing anything is the coward’s way out. If we are going to build a lasting environment for Germany, we are going to have to submit to the will of the people.”

  “It was the people that put Hitler in power,” Ribbentrop commented.

  “Yes, it was. I think we need to study the circumstances that allowed that to happen and look for mechanisms to avoid something like that in the future.”

  Peter chuckled softly. “It is easier just to make decisions and rule. But I agree with your point, Hennie. At some level, we must get the people involved with the government again.”

  Schloss nodded. “Be thinking about that meine Herren. Until next time, then.”

  And he stood to leave. He returned to his office to see what had come in during his absence that morning. He glanced at his desk and decided it was a good time to break for lunch. Gisela was bringing little Erich with her to have lunch with him. Hans and Anna-Lisa were in school, and neither parent wanted to interrupt the classroom by pulling the children out for lunch. Schloss would see them this evening.

  CHAPTER SIXTY

  September 25, 1944; 2 PM

  Cabinet Meeting Room

  The White House

  Washington, DC, USA

  Harry Truman looked around the Cabinet Meeting Room. The Cabinet was a holdover from the Roosevelt administration. Henry Wallace wasn’t in office long enough to make changes, and Truman had been too busy to do so, although the group was relatively competent and reliably liberal. Vice-president Barkley, the former senator from Kentucky, was a new addition. Alben Barkley was good at what he did, although he was something of a blowhard.

  Changes were coming, to be sure. Cordell Hull would be gone by the end of the month, and Truman would appoint his replacement. The president was still undecided on a replacement for Hull. He wanted Senator James F. Byrnes in the spot. But he didn’t want the South Carolinian to resign from the Senate on the chance that Taft might win the presidential election. It would be bad enough, Truman thought, to be a lame duck. He didn’t want to inflict that on his friend from senate days.

  The Secretary of the Interior, Harold Ickes, droned on with his report on the status of the refugee camps. The logistics of supporting all of the displaced Americans was complex and challenging.

  “And so, with the return of the people to the far western areas, we are keeping up with the needs of the people currently in the camps, although just barely. Fortunately, we had bumper harvests in the Midwest and deep south. Following your directive, Mr. President, the department is actively auditing the army’s management of the camps. We have uncovered some shortcomings, but nothing like you encountered in Utah.”

  “Which seems to have corrected,” Truman commented with a wry grin.

  He was still furious at the treatment of American civilians by the army at the camp in Ogden, Utah. However, the very public firing of Colonel Galpin had not only made the papers, but the news had ricocheted around the military establishment like multiple lightning strikes. The effect was that Army brass in charge of the various camps was now rapidly repairing any real and perceived shortcomings.

  “Yes, Sir,” Ickes continued. “We anticipate moving more people back to their homes as the cleanup moves east. But, we are still committed to feeding them during the winter.”

  “Thank you, Secretary Ickes,” Truman said as he looked down at his typewritten agenda. “I have asked General Groves to give us a report on the cleanup efforts.”

  “Yes, Sir, Mr. President,” Groves said, rising from his seat and walking to the head of the table where a map of the western United States hung on an easel.

  “I asked for the map because I thought we could get a better picture of where we are. Once we got the fires out, we began with the circular area around Hanford marked in red. That is where the bulk of the ashes and poisonous byproducts of the accident were concentrated. It was important to get this area under control so the most intense poisons would not spread further. Also, from a national security perspective, it is critical to get those plants back online.”

  “Excuse me,” Ickes interrupted, “you are saying that we are going right back to doing what we were doing when the accident occurred?”

  Truman smiled to himself. The question needed to be asked, and he was glad to see it come from Ickes. If the president had asked the question, the deference of the people in the room towards him would have prevented the subject from being fully aired.

  “Your question is well founded, Mr. Secretary,” Groves replied politely. “The Hanford Engineering District is part of a top-secret project that is related to the security of the nation.”

  “At the risk of poisoning half the country, General? That is insane.”

  “If any enemies of the United States gain access to these same processes, their weapons would lay waste to far more of the country than we have seen.”

  “Then we have let a genie loose in the world.”

  “I’m afraid that’s true, Mr. Secretary.”

  Ickes turned back to Truman. “What kind of insanity is this, Mr. President?”

  “It is necessary insanity, Mr. Secretary,” Truman responded quietly. “The responsibility for the accident ends at my desk. And I am also responsible for the decision to continue the program. We know the Germans and the British are working on the same thing. And we are pretty sure the Soviets are as well.”

  “But those nations are half a world away,” Ickes protested. “They have no way to deliver a weapon at that distance.”

  “At the moment,” Truman said. “But we know the Germans are working on advanced rocketry, and they are not that many years away from building something that could circle the globe and drop bombs on our heads.”

  “But the Germans are friendly, Sir.”

  “It was not that long ago that we were very close to going to war with Germany,” Truman stated. “Continuing our development of these new weapons was not a pleasant decision, but it had to be made.”

  “Of course, Sir,” Ickes subsided, but he didn’t look happy.

  Truman noted that the mood of the room was somber. “Please continue, General.”

  Groves used his pointer to indicate the areas of current concentration on the cleanup and what would happen next.

  “In many places, the fallout has attenuated enough that people could return to their homes but would have to remain cautious. In others, higher than average precipitation has washed the dust into the streams where it would be diluted, making the area safe.”

  “The biggest challenge has been combing the mountain valleys and canyons for pockets of radioactive byproducts. It is time-consuming and dangerous.”

  The Decontamination Command was now the largest operation in the United States Army, and it absorbed two-thirds of the military budget and personnel for its mission. Following the presentation, Truman turned to the Secretary of War.

  “Now, Secretary Stimson, give us your report on the status of US forces around the world.”

  “Yes, Mr. President. Currently, the bulk of our military not involved in decontamination is tied up in the Western Pacific. The Japanese are involved in what amounts to a civil war. The breakdown is with the Navy and Government on one side and the army on the other. The emperor is currently under our protection aboard the battleship Pennsylvania. We support the Japanese government and their navy, but we are trying to keep hands-off as much as possible.”

  “What happened with the interned fleet, Mr. Secretary?” the Secretary of State asked.

  Hull knew full well what had happened, so Truman assumed he had asked so that the rest of the cabinet could be brought up to date without embarrassing anyone.

  “The Japanese Army attempted a boarding action on the ships that we have interned at Chiba, which is in Tokyo Bay. The Japanese Navy became aware of the plans, and with the concurrence of Admiral Oldendorf, placed enough force on the ships to dissuade the borders.”

  “Dissuade?” Hull asked with a grin.

  “Oh, yes. The operation failed. They managed to board one of the ships briefly but were swiftly subdued.”

  “Wasn’t that risky to allow the navy back on their ships?”

  “You mean, could they have activated the ships? No. First of all, the boarders had neither the manpower nor the expertise to get under weigh. Secondly, when we interned the fleet, we removed all the warshots from those ships. At some point, we will have to get together with the Japanese navy and decide whether to pickle the ships or scrap them. If we let them sit there for long, they will be worthless.”

  “So those ships are not a threat?”

  Stimson cocked his head. “We might consult with the Secretary of the Navy about that, Mr. Secretary, but as I understand it, if we left Japan tomorrow, it would take six months to a year for them to get their fleet operational again.”

  “Please continue, Mr. Stimson,” Truman prompted.

  “Yes, of course, Mr. President. Elsewhere in the world? We have our facilities at Subic Bay in the Philippines and Pearl Harbor, but they are mostly skeleton operations. The Indian Ocean and South Pacific are now pretty much a British lake. Admiral King has completed pulling our forces out of Trincomalee, and we will be sending him to our base in Bermuda. He and Admiral Wood got along like a house afire in Trincomalee. He’s very senior for the position, but the Brits like him.”

  “Even if he shaves with a blowtorch,” Truman commented.

  Stimson choked. “The man has a certain reputation. If he hasn’t made a senior officer cry by lunchtime, he considers his day to be a failure.”

  The men in the room chuckled. Ernie Rey’s reputation was widely known. After Stimson’s report, Truman looked at Hull.

  “Since you are departing for greener pastures, Secretary Hull, perhaps you could update us on the state of the diplomatic world.”

  “Of course, Mr. President. Let me begin by conveying what an honor it has been to serve with all of you and serve the country in this capacity. I have recently discovered that my health no longer allows me to maintain the pace necessary for the job. But I am proud of our accomplishments.”

  “America is at peace after a decade of wars and rumors of wars. I wish we could establish a structure to replace the League of Nations and stop wars before they could ignite. That was not to be. But I urge you all to watch for opportunities to engage in such an initiative.”

  “Now, the world is still a dangerous place. We saw how quickly the situation in Japan deteriorated after Yamamoto’s death. China remains unsettled. The civil war there will probably boil over again. With Stalin’s death, we could hope for some moderation on the part of the Soviets. We see no evidence of that, although they are consumed with their war against Germany.”

  “Germany dodged the bullet when they forced Smirnoff’s surrender in Berlin. It seems to us that Schloss is attempting to build a buffer state in Ukraine. We were surprised that Malenkov didn’t attempt to end the war with Germany.”

  “We were able to maintain our alliance with Great Britain against the Japanese. That relationship, which was strained at the beginning of the war, seems to be recovering. I believe Britain, Germany, and the United States are moving into an informal tripartite pact to maintain security in Europe and around the world.”

  “Do you see Germany releasing its conquered territories?” Henry Morganthau, the Secretary of the Treasury, asked.

  “Through information developed by the Office of Strategic Services, we believe that Schloss considers maintaining Germany’s European conquests necessary to her security. We know that he has explored some sort of home rule for Czechoslovakia. The war with Russia put all of that on hold. We also know that he wants to schedule elections are soon as practical.”

  “Does Schloss have any theory of governance?” Ickes asked. “He has seemed to be just another dictator to me.”

  “An excellent question,” Hull responded. “His domestic policies seem to be a mix of social awareness and free-market capitalism. And a healthy dollop of old-style Naziism thrown in for good measure. To answer your question, we just don’t know. And we’re not sure he knows.”

  Following the agenda, Truman let the cabinet secretaries chat for another half hour. He learned more about how things were going on in the government from casual conversation. And he knew there were no more appointments on his schedule that afternoon. He would leave in another hour to board his C-54 transport for Chicago and a campaign rally. The election loomed, and he wanted to leave nothing to chance. He was an accidental president, but he wanted to complete the job Roosevelt, and then Wallace had started.

  CHAPTER SIXTY-ONE

  October 9, 1944; 10 AM

  The Queen’s Reception Hall

  Buckingham Palace

  London, England, UK

  Margaret Windsor waited in her Reception Hall for this morning’s visitor. She had gotten over the shock and surprise of Clement Attlee's stunning election loss. The Conservatives held their majority and widened it in the House of Commons, and labor would continue in the wilderness. It had turned Attlee's plans and vision upside-down, and everyone in the government held their breath to see what would happen now.

  The Tories had caucused after the Thursday elections and well into the weekend. Margaret had received notice that the Prime Minister Designate would call on her this morning. The queen’s staff had shifted schedules around to accommodate the event. The newspapers were hailing the day as a return to normalcy after two years of direct governance by the queen.

  Margaret was unhappy. She had been unhappy since Attlee called for elections, precipitously in her opinion. She was not necessarily disappointed with the election win by the Tories as she was more aligned philosophically with them. The baggage they brought to the table was another thing, however.

  The queen was most unhappy, though, with the unintended consequences of the election that nobody in the government wanted. This unhappiness culminated in intense frustration when the page announced the new prime minister. Now she faced the smirking, cherubic face of Winston Churchill as he walked through the door.

  “Your Majesty, I have assembled a majority in the House of Commons and have been voted to represent them in Parliament. I crave your appointment as Prime Minister of the Realm.”

  The assembled guests in the room stirred as Margaret caught Churchill in a stare and held it. He gazed back impassively as the moment lingered. Everyone knew there was animosity between the queen and the new prime minister, but few knew why.

  “Very well, Prime Minister,” she spat venomously to gasps in the room. “The election reflected the will of the people, and you represent the will of the house. I have no choice but to accept that. I have no intentions of being the one who causes a constitutional crisis.”