Parallel nazi 07c1, p.37
Parallel Nazi 07c1,
p.37
“In so many words, of course, Sir,” McCrea chuckled.
“Oh, yes. We have to be diplomatic. I would politely tell them to go fly a kite.”
McCrea had known Halsey for years and was familiar with the Admiral’s habit of saying exactly what was on his mind. He wondered if this would be the cause of things hitting the fan. It was apt to happen the way the Japanese Army was pushing.
“Very well, Sir. I will keep you posted.”
“Thanks, John. I’ll owe you a medal after this is all over.”
“Just doing my job, Sir.”
Halsey decided that it wouldn’t look good for the admiral to be skylarking from the flag deck when the VIPs came aboard, so he returned to his cabin. The steward had replenished his coffee supply, and a fresh piece of coffee cake rested on his desk.
He sat down and picked up a report from the top of the stack and tried to concentrate. But he sensed things were quickly coming to a head between the factions in the Japanese government, and he would probably have to make some difficult decisions.
Hirohito looked up from his book when his secretary stepped into the small stateroom on the Iowa. While the American Navy had taken pains to ensure the emperor was comfortable and supplied with whatever he needed, the secretary was scandalized at the size of the cabins occupied by Hirohito and his entourage.
“What is it?” the emperor asked.
“General Yamashita wishes to speak with you, Highness.”
Hirohito raised an eyebrow and closed the book. He stood and faced his secretary. “And what is it that he wishes to discuss?”
“He stated that was between him and you, Highness. I disapprove of the impertinence.”
“Please reply that he will send a message describing the content of the meeting, and then we may arrange an audience.”
“Very well, Highness.” The secretary bowed and left the stateroom.
Five minutes later, the secretary returned. “Highness, General Yamashita became agitated when I refused his request. He threatened to remove you from the ship by force.”
“Please ask Captain McCrea to attend me.”
“Of course, Highness.”
Two minutes later, the secretary ushered Captain John McCrea into Hirohito’s stateroom.
“How may I serve the emperor?” McCrea asked.
“As you know, General Yamashita requested an audience this evening. When I refused, he became belligerent. I trust you will see to the security of your ship.”
“Thank you for bringing this to my attention, Your Majesty. With your permission, I will make sure the ship is secure.”
“If it must be said, we are deeply appreciative of your efforts to host us. We are aware it greatly complicates your operations.”
“We are honored at the trust you have placed in the United States Navy. Now, if you will excuse me.”
McCrea quickly left the room. When he returned to his cabin, he picked up the phone and asked to speak to the admiral.
“Yes, Captain?” Halsey responded.
“The emperor was informed that General Yamashita was belligerent when he was refused access to the emperor. I believe Hirohito thinks there is an implied threat.”
“I understand, Captain. My instructions to you are to see to the safety of your ship as well as protect the emperor.”
“Do I have permission to pull away from the pier, Admiral?”
“See to the safety of the ship, John. Whatever you think that entails in your judgment.”
“Thank you, Admiral.”
The captain then connected to the executive officer.
“Yes, Skipper?”
“I want you to move the ship to Condition One quietly. Pass the word to the departments, but don’t sound the alarms. And I think we need to get steam up. The Jap army is getting frisky, and they may try to take the ship.”
“Will we need to leave the dock, Skipper?”
“I don’t know, but I would suggest you pull in the gangways. If they try to pull a boarding action, I want them to be surprised and regretful.”
“Gotcha, Skipper. Let me get busy.”
“Fine. Thanks.”
McCrea decided it was a good time to be on the bridge. The ship might be going into harm’s way, and the bridge was where he belonged.
Halsey turned to his aide. “Please send a message to all naval assets in the area to quietly go to Condition One. There is no telling what those nuts are going to try.”
“Aye, aye, Sir.”
§ § §
August 27, 1944; 9:15 AM
The Oval Office
The White House
Washington, DC, USA
“What can you tell me about what happened in Tokyo yesterday?” President Harry Truman asked heatedly. “It looks as though we ended up with egg on our faces because of the Navy.”
“That is not fair to the navy, Sir,” General Marshall replied. “Captain McCrea was in an impossible situation. The loss of life could have been far worse.”
“For the navy, perhaps,” Truman stated, “but we had over three-hundred Japanese slaughtered. That paints the United States in a bad light.”
“The Japanese General pushed the issue and wouldn’t accept any face-saving opportunities. We think he was intentionally seeking a confrontation.”
“Well, he certainly got one, if that is what he was looking for. What was Hirohito’s reaction?”
“He did not seem disturbed about the matter. The Japanese Navy supports him, and he supports us. Admiral Halsey described him as quietly determined.”
“That’s fine, and I agree that we are where we need to be vis a vis the Japanese. But the Press is out for blood. I’m going to have to meet with them today.”
“We are following through with our stated foreign policy positions,” Marshall responded. “It wasn’t that long ago that we were at war with the Japanese. What problem has the Press?”
“The Press doesn’t care what our positions are,” Truman said, as though speaking to a dull-witted student. “They are looking for the opportunity to make me look bad and advance the fortunes of Robert Taft.”
“When has the Press supported the Republicans, Mr. President?”
“Since we destroyed the Pacific Northwest, General. Pay attention to me. We need to support American policy in the Western Pacific, but I also have an obligation to support the Democratic party. I assume, of course, that those two items are not mutually exclusive.”
“I understand, Mr. President. But I cannot countenance criticism of the navy for something we ordered them to do.”
“There is the matter of following orders and doing so with an excess of enthusiasm,” Truman said. “That is what bothers me.”
“We are going to convene an investigation board over the matter, Sir. We will make sure to identify any lapses in judgment or excess enthusiasm, as you call it.”
Truman smiled at General Marshall. “I do believe you are peeved with me.”
“No, Mr. President. I merely desire to keep things accurate and reduce the invective.”
“You are adept at slipping in the knife,” the president laughed.
“Of course not, Mr. President.”
“Very well. I would like to see a preliminary report just as soon as you can get something compiled. Let’s agree for the moment that Admiral Halsey did what he had to do. We need to think about how to avoid inflaming public opinion both here at home and in Japan. And also how to encourage the Japanese army to back down in its efforts to control the government.”
“That’s going to be a tough job, Sir.”
“More so than you realize, General. For your information only, Cordell Hull has decided to resign. He feels he has accomplished everything he set out to do and is tired. So I am going to have to break in a new Secretary of State along with everything else that is going on.”
“Do you expect any problems with the Senate confirmation?” Marshall asked.
“It will probably be a recess appointment since the Congress is anxious to adjourn and get on the campaign trail.”
“Will you win the election, Sir?”
Truman coughed and shook his head. “I honestly do not know. There is a reservoir of goodwill among the American people, but the accident out west has put a strain on that. I hope we can win. Now, was there anything else, General?”
Marshall took the hint and stood up. “No, Mr. President. Thank you for your time.”
There was no appointment immediately following, so Truman walked over to the windows and looked out over the Rose Garden. It remained in full bloom late in the summer and was soothing. He thought about the current disaster in Tokyo and wondered how the United States would preserve a critically important relationship with the Japanese.
He wondered about all of the Americans who lived in refugee camps around the country and wondered when they would be able to return home, if ever. And Harry Truman considered whether he would be able to win the election. He had initially decided not to run for the presidency so that it would be easier to shift the blame away from the party and perhaps help the elections. But Bess had told him not to be a fool. The country needed him, and he would, by God, run again. So that decision was made.
CHAPTER fifty-SIX
September 1, 1944; 8:00 AM
The Kremlin
Moscow, USSR
“So, the Germans are across the border and into Ukraine?” Malenkov asked.
“Not exactly,” Kruglov replied.
“What do you mean?”
“Smirnoff’s army is coming across the border, Comrades,” Kruglov said sourly. “We did not expect that. He is broadcasting on Radio Berlin and has announced Ukraine Liberation Front. He claims that he and Khrushchev will rescue the people of Ukraine from the Soviet traitors to the revolution.”
“That man is a traitor to the revolution,” Molotov shouted. “I can’t believe he is doing something like that.”
“It’s not surprising that he is in league with Khrushchev,” Malenkov commented. “Nikita always favored Smirnoff. I wonder if they have been plotting this for a long time.”
The three men sat in the meeting room formerly used by Stalin; however, no one had claimed Stalin’s chair at the head of the table. Kruglov and Malenkov occupied one side, and Molotov sat across. Malenkov had moved into Stalin’s office, as was his due as the General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party.
The people’s reaction to Stalin’s death was subdued. Kruglov’s agents in the NKVD had fanned out around Moscow and listened carefully to the people. For the narod or the common people, life went on as usual. Over the centuries, the Russian people had observed the change from one leader to another without comment. There was no reservoir of affection for kings, princes, or party general secretaries.
Party members had a bit more to say. Mostly, the discussions centered on who would advance under the new regime and who might be purged. Once again, any discussion seemed to be pure self-interest on the part of the party members. No one asked how the change would affect the country overall.
“We received some intelligence from Germany that indicated Smirnoff had Khrushchev arrested,” Kruglov stated. “That raises the question of who was the instigator. I thought I knew Nikita well, and I had no questions about his loyalty to the revolution.”
“Which shows how little we know people, doesn’t it, Comrade?” Molotov replied. “It is true, isn’t it, that Khrushchev killed Beria?”
“Stalin and I had both reached that conclusion, although there was no hard evidence. Stalin was waiting for the need and opportunity to use that against Khrushchev.”
Molotov grunted. “It appears that opportunity was fleeting.”
Malenkov snorted. “Your choice of words is interesting, Vyacheslav.”
“Yes, but this does move us further from the point of this meeting. What are we going to do about the invasion by these traitors to the revolution?”
“Worse yet,” Malenkov stated, “they not only have the equipment from when they surrendered to the Germans, but they also have the equipment and ammunition from the army that surrendered in Silesia.”
“And the Germans are supporting them,” Kruglov added.
“Do you know that for a fact, Sergei?” Molotov asked.
“The Luftwaffe is providing tactical air support, and their Fortress bombers are attacking targets across Ukraine. I expect bombs to be falling on Moscow at any time. It is an ideal situation for Schloss. He has caught us at our most vulnerable, and he doesn’t have to expend any German soldiers to do his job for him. I also worry about the army that surrendered in Silesia. If they volunteer to join Smirnoff, things will be bad indeed.”
“Would they do that?” Malenkov asked.
Kruglov shrugged. “Smirnoff’s army had a large Ukrainian component, and it appears they deserted in mass to support him. The army in Silesia was made up of men from around the republics. There were not a lot of native Russians in the mix. That may come back to bite us. Hard.”
“What are we doing about this invasion?” Molotov asked.
“We are pulling all of our reserves into the battle,” Malenkov said. “Fortunately, we still have adequate supplies of arms and ammunition. The surrender of the two armies depleted our supply of T34 tanks considerably, but we now have four factories producing new tanks. If we can hold Smirnoff for two months, we will be in much better shape. And Mikoyan is almost ready to start testing a propellerless fighter plane.”
“This is the copy of the German aircraft?” Molotov asked.
“No, this is something that has been under development. We were able to copy the engines – they were superior to ours. Mikoyan also has a new design that incorporates many of the ideas from the German plane. But that is a couple of years away. I don’t believe it will be a help to us in the current conflict.”
“Does it make sense to continue developing it then?” Kruglov asked.
“If we survive this conflict, I can see something like this being valuable in the future.”
Molotov nodded. “That makes sense, Georgy.”
“Make no mistake, Comrades,” Malenkov responded, “we are in a desperate situation. If Smirnoff succeeds in taking Ukraine, as he has stated, there will be little to stop him from coming all the way to Moscow.”
“Do you think he would do that?” Molotov asked.
“I don’t know. But it is not something I would bet against.”
Kruglov lit a cigarette and leaned back, blowing smoke towards the ceiling.
“You have something in mind, Comrade?” Molotov asked.
“As you know, we have NKVD people embedded in each army unit, other than the Commissars. While we do not have a way to communicate with them, they may still know what to do, given the opportunity.”
“To take direct action against Smirnoff or Khrushchev?” Malenkov asked.
“Precisely.”
“Seems like a thin reed to me,” Molotov commented.
“It is all of that,” Kruglov agreed. “However, absent anything else, it may pay off for us. They know their job is to defend the revolution and the Rodina. If something like that were to happen, we would be fortunate.”
“We could use a little good fortune right now,” Malenkov grumbled. “I don’t understand how things turned so quickly against us when we nearly had the Nazis in our grasp.”
“I don’t understand it, myself,” Molotov said, “other than our need to constantly watch for threats to the party and the revolution.”
“I would only examine our failures if it enabled us to succeed in the future,” Kruglov said. “We would otherwise be mistaken to dwell upon them.”
“Indeed,” Molotov added. “And, Sergei, I assume you are making all efforts to contact your people embedded in Smirnoff’s army.”
Kruglov nodded. “I am. And if we succeed, I will make sure you are informed quickly.”
“Very well,” Malenkov stated. “Now, I believe we should take a closer look at our troop dispositions. Based upon recent failures, we would do well to keep a much closer eye on the Red Army.”
§ § §
September 3, 1944; 2 PM
Office of the Secretary of State
United States Department of State
Washington, DC, USA
Hans Thomsen was ushered into Cordell Hull’s office early in the afternoon and took a seat. Hull noticed the dapper German ambassador looked more relaxed than in previous meetings. Of course, the last meeting involved a German envoy spying on the United States for a rogue faction in Germany, which would stress anyone.
“Kind of you to see me today, Mr. Secretary,” Thomsen said with his German accent. “I know you are very busy. I heard, of course, about your impending resignation.”
“Thank you for coming to see me, Mr. Ambassador,” Hull replied. “And yes, I am resigning as of the end of this month.”
“You have accomplished a lot for your country,” Thomsen commented. “America is fortunate to have leadership like you exhibit.”
“Thank you, Ambassador. And I confess to being very tired. I plan on taking an extended vacation before I determine what lies ahead for me.”
“If you decide to travel to Europe during your vacation, I am sure the Foreign Minister and Reich Chancellor would be delighted to welcome you to Germany.”
“I shall certainly keep that in mind.” Hull placed his hands on the desktop as though changing the subject. “What was it we needed to discuss this afternoon?”
“My government wishes to convey to your government certain recent aspects of the Russian invasion.”
“Which has now apparently turned into a German invasion,” Hull responded dryly.
Thomsen cracked a thin smile. “It was not so very different as when the Japanese invaded your Pacific possessions.”
“Point taken. What are your intentions.”
“The bulk of the invasion force in Ukraine consists of native Ukrainians. You may not believe me, but the idea was originally General Smirnoff’s. However, we have done much to encourage him. We desire to create a buffer state in Eastern Europe to help prevent another Russian incursion.”












