Her last statement caused another gasp as it was clear what she implied. The queen was widely reputed to play hardball. No one questioned that she was focused on the preservation and prosperity of Great Britain. But to start the relationship with a new government at swords’ point with the Prime Minister was a shock.

  “Thank you, Your Majesty,” Churchill said. “I shall endeavor to serve the kingdom and the throne to the best of my ability.”

  “I expect no less, Prime Minister.”

  Margaret rose and swept from the room, leaving many speechless and Churchill wondering if he could pull out a cigar. He was well aware of Margaret’s animosity and the reasons behind it. After, she had personally sacked him two years before.

  “That was enlightening,” Churchill’s personal assistant commented as they walked to his Humber Limousine.

  “It appears she is willing to follow the constitution,” Churchill commented in reply. “I was a little unsure as to how she would react.”

  “It appears we have succeeded, then, Sir.”

  “This is but the beginning, Howard. We must manage matters carefully so that we can guide the queen back to her traditional role. If she felt free to assume dictatorial powers once, regardless of her reasons, she may well try again.”

  “I don’t know who has me more furious,” Queen Margaret muttered as she returned to her study. “Clement for getting impatient and calling the election or Winston with his unbearable smirk. I wished I had my Webley with me this morning.”

  “I thought you handled it well, Your Majesty,” Colin Marty said as he followed her into the office.

  “Well compared to what? The beheading of Queen Mary? I feel about as effective as Charles Stuart.”

  “Sometimes we have these setbacks, Ma’am.”

  “Setbacks, Colin? Setbacks? This is a disaster of the first order. Winston nearly destroyed the country two years ago, and he has likely only gotten worse.”

  Marty walked quickly over to her desk and leaned over, placing his hands on the edge.

  “Ma’am, you must keep your perspective. England has survived bad prime ministers….”

  “You almost said bad kings, didn’t you, Colin?”

  “No, I did not. Considering the historical context, you have done extraordinarily well. You successfully managed Attlee, and I believe you will manage Churchill.”

  “Churchill is more self-aware than Attlee,” Margaret argued. “He instinctively reads people at a level Clement could never hope to attain. Our new prime minister is a dangerous, dangerous man.”

  “Then you must rise to the occasion.”

  “That’s easy for you to say. You can sit in your corner and second guess me. I have to do the real work.”

  “I rarely have the opportunity to second guess you, Ma’am. You have always made good decisions.”

  “Like allowing this election to come to pass?”

  Colin shook his head. “I submit, Ma’am, that the decision was taken out of your hands. Events got out in front of all of us. Are you not satisfied with a Tory victory in the polls?”

  “No, Colin, I am not. I have not been delighted with Labor’s program, but the Conservative Party needs its time in the wilderness. They failed to manage Winston and allowed him near-dictatorial powers during the war. Some of that may have been justified, I’ll grant. But he abused those powers, and that is what frightens me about his return. I have seen no indications that he has learned from his missteps.”

  “Then you must ask him, Ma’am.”

  “What?”

  “Ask him what he has learned from his previous experiences at Number 10. I will grant you that I have never cared for the man, myself. But he spent his time in the wilderness and appeared to grow from it. His mistakes in the Hitler war were not from self-aggrandizement. He seeks to preserve the realm. He is a die-hard monarchist.”

  “Oh paaa!” she spat back at him. “He is also responsible for murder.”

  “If he had managed Schloss's death instead of Wallace’s, would our view be different? Ma’am, you must take a step back and get some perspective.”

  “And I don’t appreciate this from you, Colin. We cannot have a softening of attitudes toward Winston. He is like a shark, and he can sense blood in the water.”

  “And you are trying to divert me from the discussion. What should be the royal attitude towards the prime minister? You are going to have to work with him, regardless.”

  “You have made your point, Colin,” she said with her teeth clenched. “Leave me now.”

  Colin Marty walked out of the queen’s office, hoping he had been convincing enough to get Margaret thinking. She had to manage Churchill rather than fight him. Otherwise, nothing would get done, and that would cause significant harm to Britain. Right at the moment, she needed to cool down.

  § § §

  October 9, 1944; 2 PM

  Reich Chancellor’s Officers

  Nazi Party Headquarters

  Frankfurt, Germany

  “So the assassin is back in power,” Rainer commented. “He is guilty of murdering an American president and seems to have gotten away with it.”

  “And the question before us is who he will murder in Germany to accomplish his goals?” Peter Schreiber asked.

  Schloss looked around the modest office he occupied and decided, once again, that he liked it better than that morgue in Berlin.

  “Unfortunately, it seems that the people in power around the world are often murderers.”

  Schreiber seemed poised to continue his line of commentary but hesitated and then closed his mouth. Everyone in the room knew that Schloss had ascended to party leader after murdering Bormann, although only Schloss knew that the Alter-Schloss had done that. Yet, the current Schloss knew that he had killed Himmler, although everyone considered that an execution, and Schloss himself had justified it as self-defense.

  But Churchill sat in an office on Downing Street in London and had given good evidence that he was not Germany’s friend.

  “I’m surprised the queen allowed the elections to go forward,” Rainer said. “She should have stopped them in the beginning.”

  “Easier said than done,” Schloss replied. “She could not have canceled them without threatening the entire structure of the English government.”

  “Why? She demonstrated she had the power and the ruthlessness to do so. Why did she allow it?”

  Schloss looked at Peter, who answered. “She would have lost her legitimacy with the people. She also risked the fortunes of the royal family, although I’m sure that was secondary in her thinking.”

  “That wasn’t something Hitler worried about,” Rainer said. “Or us, for that matter.”

  “The difference is that the Nazi Party is unquestionably loyal to the leadership, Herr Schloss in this case. Hitler dissolved the Reichstag, and not enough people questioned it. So we have no elected body to challenge the leadership in Germany.” Schreiber looked at Schloss. “I don’t think that is a good thing, but it is also why the Munich Faction would have never succeeded, whatever they thought. In England, the lower house reports directly to the voters. And Parliamentary Supremacy is a well-established doctrine. So when Attlee decided to have an election, the queen either had to acquiesce or risk a general uprising.”

  “Blood in the streets?” Rainer asked.

  “No. The English are quite civilized about it. She would have had a delegation from both houses and the military giving her a pointed suggestion that she decamp to Balmoral Castle.”

  Schloss snorted. “It’s funny how a people as bloody-minded as the British are so civilized in other areas.”

  “I just hope Churchill doesn’t break things,” Peter sighed.

  “We need to start developing some options,” Schloss said. “Things are less critical now in the East since we seem to have assumed the upper hand in the war. But there is a lot of trade and several critical joint projects we have with the English that could get messed up.”

  “I will get with Joachim and Gert and start exploring some ideas,” Peter said. “I assume the council will be meeting soon?”

  “Within the next day or so, I think,” Schloss replied. “Karl, I hope your string of sources in England is still up to the task.”

  Rainer smiled. “Things can always go wrong, as we saw with Herr Channing.”

  “I’m glad he was able to gain a position with Heinkel,” Schloss said. “I hope that doesn’t affect our relationship with Boeing.”

  “Boeing was in favor of it, according to Ribbentrop,” Peter commented. “They seemed to have viewed him as having the misfortune to get caught in the gears.”

  “That’s good news, then. Back to Karl. What about your sources in England?”

  “Other than Channing, so far, my little string of agents has delivered.”

  “Is Gehlen aware of them?”

  “If he is, he hasn’t said anything. And he probably would.”

  Schloss smiled back at the Reichsprotektor. “Don’t underestimate Colonel Gehlen. He is not much of an administrator, but he is a subtle thinker and understands his business.”

  “I will take that in the spirit it was offered, Herr Schloss.”

  “I knew you would, Karl,” Schloss chuckled.

  Schloss leaned towards the door. “Frau Pappel, some more coffee, please.”

  “You have had enough for today, Herr Reich Chancellor.”

  “And it’s now confirmed,” Schloss relayed quietly to the men in the room. “The hausfraus actually govern Germany.”

  “Here, here,” Peter commented.

  “You know,” Schloss speculated, “I wonder if we might offer an olive branch to Churchill?”

  “You’re right, Hennie,” Peter replied. “Showing belligerence to Churchill would do no one any good.”

  “I should have thought of that,” Karl commented. “But, you know he is going to demand we set our territories free.”

  “Probably so,” Schloss agreed. “We could agree to meet him halfway and promise home rule for the territories. We want to do that anyway. We just need to remember that in any meeting we conduct with the English that Churchill will be the smartest person in the room. We will need to be careful what we allow him to talk us into.”

  “I think you underrate yourself, Hennie,” Peter said.

  “What? In terms of comparing me to Churchill? No, it’s not even close. I mean, all modesty aside, I think I am pretty smart. But Winston is in another league altogether.”

  Peter shrugged. “We will just have to be careful.”

  “That is my intention. But we cannot let the events freeze us into inaction. I think we need to agree to be proactive with the English, now, as we have before.”

  Rainer nodded. “I agree. It won’t be easy, but I think it is necessary.”

  Schreiber also nodded. “I’m with you on this, Hennie.”

  CHAPTER SIXTY-TWO

  November 6, 1944; 8 AM

  The Oval Office

  The White House

  Washington, DC, USA

  Harry S. Truman stared at the front page of the Washington Post in disgust. It carried a picture of a hugely grinning Robert Taft holding up the New York Times displaying the headline Truman Beats Taft. That staunchly Democratic paper had wildly missed its prediction. Now, seventy-two hours after the election, it was clear that Robert Taft would be sworn in this coming January as the thirty-fifth president of the United States.

  It was the Truman Towns that clinched the deal for the Republicans this year. Some anonymous wag had recycled the Hooverville tag from the depression and applied the sobriquet to the refugee encampments. Harry Truman had made strenuous efforts by working with state and federal officials to ensure those Americans uprooted from their homes out west could vote. And they had. It seemed as though they had voted in mass for Republican candidates.

  And the rest of the country largely followed. In an epic landslide, the Republicans had captured both houses of Congress along with thirty-seven of the statehouses. There were now forty Republican governors. It was the worst drubbing any party had experienced in the history of the country.

  Truman studied the newspaper and thought about the events of the past week. There was no doubt his administration had been measured in the hands of the American voters and found wanting. Although disappointed, the current president was satisfied that the constitution had held, and the governing functions continued to work despite the upheavals in the country. And though Robert Taft was not a friend, Truman respected the man and thought he would make a decent president.

  But, until the inauguration in January, Harry Truman was still president. And there were things he wanted to accomplish before he returned to Independence, Missouri. First of all, he was going to splurge and order a new Chrysler to carry him and Bess home in January. He also would select a placeholder to serve as Secretary of State for the next two months. Byrnes needed to remain in the Senate. And then he planned to issue an Executive Order this morning.

  On principle, Truman loathed Presidential Directives like this. They often assumed the force of law, and he believed that this was something reserved to Congress. However, it was something he had pondered for a while and decided he didn’t want to wait twenty years for Congress to act. He would encourage some of the few remaining Democrats in Congress to introduce legislation to codify what he would do by fiat. It would put the monkey on the back of the Republican majority, which was not a bad thing in his view.

  At precisely 9 AM, Truman walked in front of the assembled reporters and members of the Cabinet. The dapper man showed no sign of having been up all night. But then again, Truman always knew how to dress. He sat down at the table containing a pen and the text of the order. He looked up at the gathered reporters and noted the expectant looks, wondering what was up.

  “I am this morning issuing Executive Order 9981, which states ‘that there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, color, religion or national origin.’ For too long, we have treated the Negro as a second-class citizen in this country, and that needs to change. As you know, last year, I appointed a Commission on Civil Rights to study the matter, and this committee has made some recommendations.”

  “This is an action I was able to take as Commander in Chief of the armed forces. Many of the other recommendations will require legislation. These I will leave in the hands of the incoming president and Congress. I trust they will take up the cudgel and move forward with this battle.”

  “Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen.”

  Truman stood and walked quickly from the room, ignoring shouted questions from the reporters. Usually, Truman liked to mingle with the reporters and engage in friendly banter, and he decided they would forgive him this one time.

  § § §

  November 7, 1944; 8 PM

  USS Pennsylvania (BB-38)

  Tokyo Harbor

  Tokyo, Japan

  Prime Minister Kanoe was ushered into the presence of Emperor Hirohito. The stateroom aboard the American battleship was small and plain, and Kanoe thought it was entirely unsuitable for the emperor of the Japanese people. However, the Americans had been unstinting in their protection of Hirohito. This included supporting the Japanese Navy and the legitimate government.

  “I am gratified the Army released you, Prime Minister,” Hirohito began.

  “They seemed not to know what to do with me, Your Majesty. I’m glad they decided not to simply kill me.”

  “As am I,” the emperor replied. “I suppose you have heard that Truman lost his election,” Hirohito switched to business, without the usual small talk.

  “Yes, Majesty. While Truman’s loss was itself somewhat narrow, his party lost heavily. It seems the Republicans will have a mandate to do whatever they choose.”

  “Governing is often much more difficult than making promises,” the emperor commented with a small smile. Our primary concern, of course, is the American policy towards Japan. The president-elect is known for a somewhat inward-facing philosophy. He opposed America’s entry into the war until after we attacked Hawaii.”

  “Do you believe he will change his country’s stance towards us now?”

  “I do not know,” Hirohito replied. “I think you must ask the foreign minister and our ambassador in Washington to initiate whatever communications are allowed before the new president takes office. We must also convince Mr. Truman to use his influence to preserve the current relationship.”

  Kanoe bowed. “I will begin those initiatives immediately.”

  “That is all I can ask. Now, how goes our contest with the army?”

  “The navy and the government controls Tokyo, Chiba, and up to Nagano. The Army is based in Osaka. With the Americans in Sasebo, we control all of Kumamoto. Things seem to be at a stalemate, however. There has been little violence among the people. We have determined that the riots were instigated by the Army. The people as a whole seem to be ignoring the contest. Life goes on, and the economy is doing well.”

  “What happens if we try to wait out the army?” the emperor asked.

  “It favors us, Majesty.”

  “Explain.”

  “If the army attempts to force a blockade or start acting as the government, we think the people will lose trust in them. The people revere you, Majesty. They are uncomfortable with events but prefer to see what happens. The longer we wait, the less the Army is taken seriously. I expect they will eventually communicate with us to arrange for an accommodation.”

  “Which we will not do,” Hirohito responded firmly.

  “Sire?” Kanoe responded in surprise. “We have always tried to maintain a consensus between the factions.”

  “And where has that gotten us? A disastrous war that we survived only because of one man’s heroic actions. And they murdered him. No, Fumimaro-san. The army, as well as the navy, must explicitly accept civilian control. Period. We will require the leadership of the Army to sign a statement to that effect before they resign. I will also require the navy leadership to affirm the principle. That is the only way forward to long-term stability.”