Parallel nazi 07c1, p.39

  Parallel Nazi 07c1, p.39

Parallel Nazi 07c1
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  “Aye, aye, Sir. I have it ready.”

  The admiral shook his head and laughed. “Then don’t just stand there. Serve the coffee.”

  “Aye, aye, Sir.”

  Oldendorf grinned at Cotton. “Lieutenant Gordon does a good job, but I have to prod him occasionally.”

  “Admiral, you’ve been at it since before 0400 this morning, which means he has too.”

  “And he’s a young buck. If I can do it, he should be able to do the same.”

  The skipper watched as the Flag Lieutenant served coffee and fresh cookies. He waited for things to settle a bit before he spoke again.

  “What are we really doing here, Admiral?”

  “The simple answer is that we are following orders. The fuller answer is that we are working to guide Japan back into civilization.”

  “And they believe they are the civilized people and we are barbarians.”

  Oldendorf rubbed his chin and then picked up his coffee cup again. “They have a funny culture. Back to your comment about the smart Japs going into the Navy, it’s the Navy people who have interacted with the Americans and the Brits over the past twenty or thirty years. They understand the way we think, and they like us. It seems like all their throwbacks are in the army.”

  “The navy people I have met are mostly straight-up people.”

  “And that’s why we are here, Tom. If we stand by them now, tonight, they will be with us forever. The president doesn’t want us interfering directly in their internal political process, but he knows what the end result should be.”

  “So we once again get handed an impossible job, Sir?”

  “That seems to be always the case,” the admiral laughed. “You ought to be used to it by now.”

  “Then, what should we do, Admiral?”

  “About your Jap captains, Tom? Hell, what do you think?”

  “I think we let them do it. I took a look around here, and our cupboard is bare.”

  “That it is,” he replied. “That it is. Okay, tell them it’s approved. I want a report from them at 0800 every morning until we send them home.”

  “Aye, aye, Sir. I’ll get it done.”

  “Thanks, Tom. If the army does indeed try something, I prefer to have it stopped by other Japanese. The army has been trying to pin all this on the Americans, and that has to stop.”

  “I understand, Sir. By your leave?”

  “You’ve had the navy captains waiting all this time?”

  “I wanted them to sweat a little bit, Sir.”

  “Your management techniques are different than mine, but it seems to work for you.”

  “With all due respect, I learned this from you, Sir.”

  Oldendorf laughed loudly. “Get out of here, Captain. I’d hate to order you to start scrubbing decks.”

  “I take the Admiral’s point,” Cotton said as he left the room.

  § § §

  September 15, 1944; Noon

  Stoyanka, Ukraine

  “We’ve hit a wall.”

  “Excuse me?” Nikita Khrushchev challenged.

  General Ivan Smirnoff stared back at the stocky bald man.

  “The Soviets have managed to stall us short of Kiev. We’re across the Irpin river and on the outskirts of the city, but the Soviets are dug in and show no inclination to retreat further.”

  “And we cannot call up the Luftwaffe to bomb them out.”

  “Correct. We need the city and its people relatively intact.”

  Khrushchev paced the tent for a few moments and then turned back to Smirnoff.

  “Can we use Rommel’s tactics and simply bypass the city and let them wither on the vine?”

  Smirnoff took a deep breath and shook his head. “No, for several reasons. First of all, I think the Soviets will try to hold at all costs. If we try to starve them out, it will also starve the people of the city. Also, Kiev is the capital of Ukraine. We need the symbolism of holding the capital. Finally, the city is probably the best place to cross the Dnieper.”

  Khrushchev folded his arms. “You are completely correct, of course. We can’t afford to destroy the city. But what do we do?”

  “I am going to meet with Guderian and Rommel and seek their advice. I know I’m pretty smart, but this one has presented us a challenge.”

  “Do you feel you can safely leave while things are in motion?”

  “No, but if that were a critical risk, I would never be able to leave.”

  Khrushchev laughed. Despite the adventures they had faced over the past couple of years, he retained his sense of humor and boisterous laugh.

  “I suppose that will have to do,” he said. “I wanted to talk to you about our progress in the lands we already hold.”

  “I haven’t been able to stay current on what is happening there,” Smirnoff noted. “I assumed you would tell me if there were major problems.”

  “It has gone very well,” the other man said. “We have been able to co-opt the party committees in the cities and towns we hold.”

  “How would you characterize the people, then?”

  “I would say they are enthusiastic but cautious,” Khrushchev replied. “They well remember the Russians marching into our land twenty years ago. While they value independence, they don’t want a repeat of that disaster.”

  “I can’t say I blame them. And it would be far worse this time around. I think the Soviets would kill everybody in Ukraine and start over.”

  “That is my thought as well. One project I would like to work on during the winter,” Khrushchev suggested, “is to revert the collective farms to private ownership. With some restrictions, of course.”

  Smirnoff rolled his tongue around in his cheek as he considered what Khrushchev had just said.

  “The collectives were one of your crowning achievements for Stalin, Nika, were they not?”

  “I did that because that is what Stalin told me to do. It nearly destroyed agriculture in this land and got a lot of people killed.”

  “And you killed them.”

  Khrushchev hesitated and bit his lip. Finally, he nodded. “And I killed them. I am just as much of a butcher as Stalin.”

  “I don’t think anyone is as bad as Stalin,” Smirnoff observed. “There is no question we all shared the guilt for all the deaths over the past twenty years. I helped enforce some of those decrees.”

  “I remember that.”

  “So what do the people think of you, Comrade Khrushchev?” Smirnoff asked.

  “I think I would use the same words, cautiously enthusiastic. No one has forgotten what I did, but I think many people recognize we all did things just to survive. It was a bad time. I don’t think they like me, but there seems to be a modicum of respect.”

  “That’s good enough for me. I think you must proceed with your project with the collectives. The farmers need to have a title deed to their two-hundred hectares, or whatever, by the spring. I think we will do much better as a country if the people are invested in it.”

  “I wonder if we should sell off the factories,” Khrushchev mused. “I know there are Germans who would like to set up shop here.”

  “We ought to approach the British and the Americans,” Smirnoff added. “We would need to carefully plan so that we can ensure that they do not turn us into a colony and exploit the workers.”

  “And we are going to need to build a strong economy to support the army. I don’t think Kruglov will give up after we drive him out of Ukraine.”

  “I don’t think he will either. The Russians have sat on us for the better part of one-hundred-fifty years. They simply assume we belong to them.”

  “That’s true,” Khrushchev said. “But, my people are picking up rumors that the Soviets are seeing unrest in Belorussia, and that may be why they are so intent on holding Kiev. Do you suppose we could encourage Schloss to support them?”

  “I suspect Rainer already has people working in Belorussia, but I can bring it up in my meeting with the Wehrmacht.”

  Khrushchev smiled. “Did you ever think you would be allied with the Nazis against Moscow?”

  “Things have changed much over the past six months,” Smirnoff chuckled. “While I had some thoughts about what might have been opportunities, this goes beyond anything I could have dreamed. What about you, Nikita?”

  “Kruglov and I danced around the topic a time or two. If things had turned out differently, I might be sitting in the chair Malenkov occupies. I think I like this better. I trust you. I could never entirely decide what Kruglov was thinking.”

  “I suspect he thinks he is holding a tiger’s tail,” Smirnoff replied. “Kruglov is a sharp operator. I am amazed Beria didn’t kill him on general principles. Stalin and Beria really paid attention to potential threats.”

  “I think Stalin was getting ready to deal with me,” Khrushchev said. “I had my plans to survive that particular event, but it was chancy.”

  “And this isn’t?”

  Khrushchev laughed again. “I suppose all of life is a risk, my friend. But, so far, we seem to be holding the strong hand.”

  “I certainly hope so.”

  CHAPTER fifty-NINE

  September 20, 1944; 10 AM

  Reich Chancellor’s Meeting Room

  Nazi Party Headquarters

  Frankfurt, Germany

  “What do we have this morning, meine Herren?” Schloss asked. “We have the whole government together, so we should be able to make decisions on the matter.”

  “First of all, the agenda says we have a status report from the Reichsmarshall,” Frau Pappel said.

  It looked as though she had the entire room cowed, and Schloss noticed that Peter thought it was funny. Schloss nodded towards von Rundstedt, who began speaking.

  “As of this morning, the Luftwaffe is engaged in strikes against the Russians, but no other Reichswehr forces are engaged.”

  “That’s good news,” Schloss commented. “What can you tell us about the air war?”

  That earned a glare from Frau Pappel, which Schloss ignored.

  “We are continuing our strategic bombing campaign against the Russians with the primary goal of disrupting their logistics against the Ukrainians. We are also aiding the Ukrainian army directly with tactical air support.”

  “That would be ground support?” Schloss asked.

  “Yes, Herr Reich Chancellor. We have given the Ukrainians a small squadron of artillery spotter aircraft. They are using the British Auster I airplane. It is not as good as our Storch, but we had the Austers and didn’t need them. But the Luftwaffe provides high-level reconnaissance for the Ukrainians.”

  “How are the Ukrainians doing?”

  “They were doing well up until last week. The Russians dug in at Kiev. General Smirnoff can’t dig them out or bomb them out without destroying the city, and he doesn’t want to do that.”

  “That makes sense,” Schloss said. “What do they propose?”

  “General Smirnoff met with Guderian, Rommel, and me looking for advice. He had considered swinging around the city to cut off the supply lines but doesn’t want the city to starve along with the Russian troops.”

  Schloss quickly visualized the issues and nodded in agreement. “So, what does the OKW recommend?”

  Von Rundstedt was ready for the question and quickly responded. “They would like us to stage a diversionary attack against the Russians out of Riga in the Latvian territory.”

  “He suggested that?”

  “Actually no, Herr Reich Chancellor. Rommel suggested it.”

  Schloss looked around the room. Everyone was paying attention today.

  “We have barely regained control of the area. Can we do something like that so soon?”

  “Rommel is sitting on the Russian border with Latvia right now. Our logistics would initially flow through the port of Riga, and that would offset our shortage of rail capacity.”

  “What would such a diversionary attack accomplish?” Schloss asked.

  “It is a relatively short run across the continent to Moscow over favorable terrain,” the Reichsmarshall replied. “We think that the Russians would have to honor the threat. Because the Wehrmacht has been relatively inactive since Smirnoff kicked off his campaign, we have the Russians looking in the wrong direction, so to speak.”

  “What about the weather?” Rainer asked. “It’s going to turn bad very soon.”

  “We suggested Smirnoff dig in for the winter, and we all resume operations in April. But, he is concerned the strategic equation will change by then.”

  “I don’t understand,” Schreiber commented.

  “We know that Russia has a jet fighter coming into service very soon. We don’t know its capabilities, but it is something it is a concern. Also, they would have the winter to rebuild their stocks of fuel and ammunition and replace a lot of tanks. Smirnoff will essentially have what he started the operation with. He has a lot of T34 tanks, for example, but he cannot replace them.”

  “This is something we worried about when we allowed this to begin,” Colonel Gehlen commented. “Everyone agreed that there was a window of opportunity, but the winter would foreclose on that quickly.”

  “I don’t want to lose an army in northern Russia,” Schloss commented.

  “This brings us back to our strategic discussions,” von Rundstedt stated. “We all agreed to allow Smirnoff to move into Ukraine because we were weary of spending German lives. The question before us is what we should do to prevent the failure of that initiative, and it also raises the question of what happens if it does fail. Will we be fighting the Russians again?”

  “I don’t pretend to understand the military operations,” Ribbentrop said, entering the conversation for the first time. “But I think we need to make a decision.”

  “And what decision would that be, Joachim?” Rainer asked sharply.

  Schloss threw Rainer a warning glance. People still didn’t care for Ribbentrop, but he plunged in.

  “We committed to helping Smirnoff, and he has certainly lived up to his part. We did this for a specific reason – to build a buffer between Germany and Russia. If that goal is still valid, then I believe we are obligated to act.”

  “He does have a point,” Schreiber interjected. “How can we invade Russia from the Baltic coast and not get bogged down in the winter?”

  “We would almost have to lay track alongside the army to keep them supplied,” Ribbentrop said.

  “Can we do that?” Schloss asked.

  “Given the equipment, men, and supplies, I think so. It would be costly, though.”

  “Not as expensive as allowing the Russians to invade again,” Gehlen commented.

  “That is very true,” von Rundstedt added. “I don’t think any of us need to remind ourselves how close we came to losing when Smirnoff took Berlin. If he had been able to reinforce, we would be facing something entirely different right now.”

  “If an army is not advancing, it is getting ready to lose,” Gehlen blurted.

  Everyone stared at him.

  “What does that mean, Reinhard?” Schloss asked.

  “In war, if you don’t drive through to a conclusion, you will allow the enemy to recover and go back on the offensive. We haven’t beaten the Russians yet, and they haven’t asked for terms. We need to keep the pressure on.”

  Von Rundstedt nodded. “He has a point, and I agree. We need to keep the pressure on.”

  “Do we have a better understanding of winter war than before?” Schloss asked.

  “Without question,” von Rundstedt answered. “Whatever else one could say about Herr Milch’s failings, and they were legion, when Herr Ribbentrop suggested preparing for winter operations, Milch went about it with a will.”

  Schloss looked around the room. “Do we have a consensus in moving forward out of Riga into Russia towards Moscow?”

  No one replied. “I’ll take that as a ja. Very well, Herr Reichsmarshall, I think we need to move quickly on this.”

  “If you will excuse me,” von Rundstedt said, “I will send the messages right now. Guderian and Rommel are already making plans. And in this case, time is the enemy.”

  Von Rundstedt stood and limped from the room. The room relaxed once the decision had been made.

  “Is there any other matters we need to accomplish today?” Schloss asked.

  Frau Pappel interrupted by clearing her throat. It seemed like a subterranean rumble, and Schloss wondered if they were having an earthquake.

  “Yes, Frau Pappel?”

  “There is an item on the agenda to discuss Japan.”

  “Very well. Peter?”

  Schreiber looked up from his notes.

  “As you know, Japan seems to be drifting towards civil war. The emperor is under the protection of the Americans, and the Japanese navy is supporting them. The army is trying to engineer an uprising. It has declared that the emperor is held prisoner by the Americans.

  “An army group even tried to storm the American battleship where Hirohito resides. The Americans repulsed them, no surprise there, with over one hundred dead. Most recently, the army marshaled a small boat flotilla and attempted to board the interned Japanese ships in Chiba, apparently hoping to scuttle them. That failed.”

  “Excuse me, Peter,” Schloss interrupted. “How many Americans were killed in the boarding action?”

  “As far as we know, there were no American deaths. There may have been some injuries, but nothing has been said.”

  “Okay, please continue.”

  “Thank you, Herr Reich Chancellor. The navy controls much of Tokyo as well as the naval bases around the country. Both groups control newspapers, which are advertising the positions of the two groups. At this stage, no one can predict what will happen.”

  “Are we in contact with the two parties?” Ribbentrop asked.

  “The army has no use for Germany and is not talking to us. The navy is cool towards us but is speaking. There is a civilian government in place, supported by the Navy, and the army ignores it. Neither group has asked us for support or advice.”

  “Will this impact Germany in any way?” Rainer asked.

 
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